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Riverside"},{"term":"Graduates"},{"term":"Policing"},{"term":"STEM"},{"term":"Tenure"},{"term":"democratic university"},{"term":"For-Profit"},{"term":"University of Wisconsin System"},{"term":"Discrimination"},{"term":"Diversity"},{"term":"Economy"},{"term":"Steven Salaita"},{"term":"Teaching"},{"term":"UC Los Angeles"},{"term":"Athletics"},{"term":"Corruption"},{"term":"Critical University Studies"},{"term":"Neoliberalism"},{"term":"Religion \u0026 Culture"},{"term":"UCLA"},{"term":"Graduate Student Conditions"},{"term":"UC Irvine"},{"term":"UCPD"},{"term":"UCSC"},{"term":"health care"},{"term":"Academic everything"},{"term":"Grad Student Strike"},{"term":"Isla Vista Shootings"},{"term":"Linda Katehi"},{"term":"Philanthropy"},{"term":"Structural Racism"},{"term":"Student Debt"},{"term":"UCSB"},{"term":"Academic Boycotts"},{"term":"Admissions"},{"term":"Biden"},{"term":"British Universities"},{"term":"Budget Cuts"},{"term":"Closures"},{"term":"Democrats"},{"term":"K-12"},{"term":"Margaret Spellings"},{"term":"Munger Hall"},{"term":"Newsom"},{"term":"Presidential search"},{"term":"Quantification"},{"term":"Sexual Harassment"},{"term":"UC Health"},{"term":"Workforce"},{"term":"anti-racist pedagogy"},{"term":"higher education policy"},{"term":"reparations"},{"term":"2020 Election"},{"term":"ACCJC vs. CCSF"},{"term":"Cooper Union"},{"term":"Covid-19 Cuts"},{"term":"Cuts \u0026 Cuts"},{"term":"Debt-Free College"},{"term":"Fake Knoweldge"},{"term":"Fake Knowledge"},{"term":"FutherCuts"},{"term":"Gender"},{"term":"LGBTQ"},{"term":"Metrics"},{"term":"More Cuts"},{"term":"Nonpecuniary effects"},{"term":"November 2009"},{"term":"President Drake"},{"term":"State Audit"},{"term":"UC Merced"},{"term":"UCSF"},{"term":"USC"},{"term":"University of Missouri"},{"term":"Vegara vs. California"},{"term":"abolition"},{"term":"abortion"},{"term":"carbon offsets"},{"term":"climate crisis"},{"term":"climate policy"},{"term":"human capital theory"},{"term":"opinion survey"},{"term":"public support"},{"term":"review of The Great Mistake"},{"term":"slavery"},{"term":"stimulus"},{"term":"value of a college degree"},{"term":"white nationalism"}],"title":{"type":"text","$t":"Remaking the University II: Knowledge Rebellion"},"subtitle":{"type":"html","$t":"A blog on higher education and related issues."},"link":[{"rel":"http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#feed","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/feeds\/posts\/default"},{"rel":"self","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/-\/Race?alt=json-in-script\u0026max-results=10"},{"rel":"alternate","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/search\/label\/Race"},{"rel":"hub","href":"http://pubsubhubbub.appspot.com/"},{"rel":"next","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/-\/Race\/-\/Race?alt=json-in-script\u0026start-index=11\u0026max-results=10"}],"author":[{"name":{"$t":"Chris Newfield"},"uri":{"$t":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/profile\/01078395415386100872"},"email":{"$t":"noreply@blogger.com"},"gd$image":{"rel":"http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail","width":"16","height":"16","src":"https:\/\/img1.blogblog.com\/img\/b16-rounded.gif"}}],"generator":{"version":"7.00","uri":"http://www.blogger.com","$t":"Blogger"},"openSearch$totalResults":{"$t":"23"},"openSearch$startIndex":{"$t":"1"},"openSearch$itemsPerPage":{"$t":"10"},"entry":[{"id":{"$t":"tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1170716682680204889.post-3474286349631788883"},"published":{"$t":"2022-01-12T02:14:00.004-08:00"},"updated":{"$t":"2024-01-08T00:10:48.557-08:00"},"category":[{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Budget"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Funding Model"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Graduate Student Conditions"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Newsom"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Public Funding"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"public goods"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Public vs. Private"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Race"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Structural Racism"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Student Debt"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"UC"}],"title":{"type":"text","$t":"For UC and CSU, Newsom's *Big Funding* Budget is Flat"},"content":{"type":"html","$t":"\u003Cp\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/a\/AVvXsEgi5YvM6VnYxjHzRygSKYGNyeZIbYDT32QkfodB1LwIbLud9_k1sQ7fIKiA9IvX7p45ipSdO3DtyBRb2OVqjCVJZtubHL_78i51oM9qU5BzMi6EDqjaw1uus9tydfu391zo6lXrcz5gUuQ4OxuOjPEBOruOLHFuBNKJbnbrETX4yOJpTK1hMvDAHdnf=s2224\" style=\"clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"1668\" data-original-width=\"2224\" height=\"300\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/a\/AVvXsEgi5YvM6VnYxjHzRygSKYGNyeZIbYDT32QkfodB1LwIbLud9_k1sQ7fIKiA9IvX7p45ipSdO3DtyBRb2OVqjCVJZtubHL_78i51oM9qU5BzMi6EDqjaw1uus9tydfu391zo6lXrcz5gUuQ4OxuOjPEBOruOLHFuBNKJbnbrETX4yOJpTK1hMvDAHdnf=w400-h300\" width=\"400\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003EI've fixed the mistake in the \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.latimes.com\/california\/story\/2022-01-10\/newsom-gives-california-colleges-and-universities-big-funding-pledge-with-a-catch\"\u003ELos Angeles\u0026nbsp;\u003Ci\u003ETimes\u003C\/i\u003E\u0026nbsp;headline\u003C\/a\u003E on Gov. Gavin Newsom's higher ed budget proposal for 2022-23. \u0026nbsp;In fact, if you add one-time money from the current and coming years, Newsom is proposing overall cuts to UC and CSU.\u003Cp\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EThe base general fund increase is five percent next year (see summary slide above), with five percent promised each year for five years total in a new compact between the university systems and the state. \u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003ENewsom delivered \u0026nbsp;the compact promise with a joke about how he knows the people who lived through the last (broken) compacts will doubt this one too. \u0026nbsp;Newsom signaling he knows we think Sacramento compacts are worthless doesn't make Sacramento compacts less worthless. \u0026nbsp;So I assume only next year's five percent.\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003ENewsom's five percent is better than Gov Jerry Brown's annual two or three percent--apparently twice as good. \u0026nbsp;However, Newsom gets an inflation rate that is twice Brown's too. The Personal Consumption Expenditures (PCE) Index \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.bea.gov\/news\/2021\/personal-income-and-outlays-november-2021\"\u003Eaccelerated from 4.2 percent to 5.7 percent\u003C\/a\u003E from July to November 2021. CPI hit 6.8 percent, and \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.fanniemae.com\/research-and-insights\/forecast\/economy-finishes-2021-strong-inflation-top-risk-concern-2022\"\u003Eprojections for inflation in 2022 by Fannie Mae \u003C\/a\u003Eand others suggest a five percent increase will be entirely consumed by inflation. \u0026nbsp;Hence the term \"flat,\" and also my sense that the corrected headline is still optimistic. \u0026nbsp;For more than a decade, two Democratic governors have been giving UC and CSU flat annual budgets--when they are not cutting them. \u0026nbsp;That is not changing.\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EThe other touted feature is that the state is funding residential enrollment growth. \u0026nbsp;Newsom proposes it support\u0026nbsp;\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.ebudget.ca.gov\/budget\/2022-23\/#\/Department\/6440\"\u003E6,230 new California undergraduates with $67.8 millio\u003C\/a\u003En (or $10,882.83 per student). \u0026nbsp;Again, it looks good compared to Jerry Brown. \u0026nbsp;He proposes an additional $31 million to buy out 902 nonresident slots at the three flagships (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and San Diego), at $34,368.07 per student. Don't ask me how they came up with those numbers. \u0026nbsp;What is clear is that the nonflagships are not getting state funding for the nonresident students they have been unable to admit because of the enrollment cap that emerged from the political blowback caused by the flagships. \u0026nbsp;Newsom sets up UC for a multi-year series of tuition carve-outs that allow the flagships to keep their nonresident tuition premiums, maintaining intra-campus budget inequality.\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EMost UC campuses are at capacity and have been for some time, so getting new students means hiring new faculty and staff and building or expanding facilities. \u0026nbsp;In practice, it means more costs and also more hardships for existing students. They will have even more trouble getting courses and housing. \u0026nbsp;Next year's per-student rate is less than half of what UCOP says is the average cost of instruction of each student (that is vastly more than most departments receive per major but never mind). We can say that $10,882.83 will at best cover costs of the new students and at worse create new deficits. \u0026nbsp;Like the base increase, this is \u003Ci\u003Enot\u003C\/i\u003E an increase in UC's per-student operating budget. \u0026nbsp;(The small \"cohort tuition\" hike will also make very little difference.)\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003ELast fall, I suggested 2021 might well be, financially speaking,\u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2021\/10\/and-if-this-is-peak-uc.html\"\u003E Peak UC\u003C\/a\u003E. \u0026nbsp;The governor's new proposal confirms that fear about a stagnant 2020s of unfunded mandates. \u0026nbsp;Further confirmation came from UC president Michael Drake \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.universityofcalifornia.edu\/press-room\/uc-statement-gov-newsom-s-2022-23-budget-proposal\"\u003Eritually praising the governor's generosity\u003C\/a\u003E, putting a cap on growth in the bigger revenues.\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EI'm not going to go into more detail on the numbers until they settle down, and won't chart any trends until spring. \u0026nbsp;Newsom is right to see budgets as \"expressing our values,\" as he said at the end, but his presentation was a numerical mess, referencing three different sizes of surplus ($42 billion, $20 billion, \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/lao.ca.gov\/Publications\/Report\/4472\"\u003E$31 billion)\u003C\/a\u003E, two from his own office, and identifying dozens of individual program totals from two different budget years. \u0026nbsp;So in the meantime, let's take a look at some other issues raised by the presentation, both on the campuses and the state as a whole.\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003ENewsom has exactly two ideas about higher education. One is that it maximize access on the basis of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI). \u0026nbsp;The other is that it prepare students for jobs, and by jobs he means jobs in technology.\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003ENewsom makes state funding contingent on several 2030 goals: UC eliminating racial gaps in grad rates, getting grad rates to 76 percent for four-year students, and getting students to debt-free\u003Ci\u003E\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/i\u003Egraduation. These are essential goals and UC must achieve them. But they require fundamental change in the UC business model. \u0026nbsp;That now depends on undergrad tuition subsidizing research and other activities--so less money is in instruction and student support, which hurts retention differentially across racial groups. \u0026nbsp;The business model also depends on saving a lot of university money (my estimate is $755 million in 2019-20 using \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/accountability.universityofcalifornia.edu\/2021\/chapters\/chapter-2.html\"\u003EAccountability\u003C\/a\u003E data) by capping financial aid, therefore forcing undergrads to borrow and work during the academic year (see\u0026nbsp;\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/jhupbooks.press.jhu.edu\/title\/great-mistake\"\u003EStage 2 and Stage 5 respectively\u003C\/a\u003E). \u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EThis is such an important point--the need to \u003Ci\u003Efund \u003C\/i\u003Egoals rather than simply assert them--that I'll expand a bit.\u0026nbsp;You improve graduation rates in part by hiring enough instructors so that every student can get every class they need, when they need it. Because of chronic underfunding, many or most students on all UC campuses wait quarters or years to get admitted into at least a few of their core required courses.\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EHow do you reduce racial gaps in graduation rates? You offer personalized, individual advising to every student who wants or needs it. \u0026nbsp;You don't tolerate caseloads of 740 students for each advisor, which Laura Hamilton and Kelly Nielson, in their important book \u003Ci\u003EBroke\u003C\/i\u003E, report is the case at UC Merced's school of Social Sciences, Humanities, and Arts (\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/press.uchicago.edu\/ucp\/books\/book\/chicago\/B\/bo33896239.html\"\u003Epage 123\u003C\/a\u003E).\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EYou also reduce racial gaps in graduation rates by taking students of color out of the cafeteria job they use to reduce their borrowing and into class: you cut their work hours ideally to zero while they are enrolled full time. You do \u003Ci\u003Enot\u003C\/i\u003E impose a Self-Help Expectation of $8,500 or $9,200 or $10,000 on every student with financial aid, even if they are low income, as every UC campus does. In other words, if you want to reduce racial gaps in graduation, you don't do \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/accountability.universityofcalifornia.edu\/2021\/chapters\/chapter-2.html#i2.3.6\"\u003Ethis\u003C\/a\u003E, for years and years: have a net cost of attendance of $10,000 per year (after financial aid) for students whose whole family earns $60,000 or less.\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/a\/AVvXsEjVeklnoBzuLlhb189M1w2DwHnHYR8Lygu6ilog9OAdJAsoeCi2OINcpr7klBN9OHB4JMr0k0CxrfAdtT-nodH61MeUbtjQTAN0_QknQ3Xtt1SUtnjNvy1iOJpmictbxDy_mSAiLUcPG6KMuY_EXZY7nOxK05KuSVIXz_EamxQgXvtWjPeAeSeDYc_h=s1826\" style=\"margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"1160\" data-original-width=\"1826\" height=\"254\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/a\/AVvXsEjVeklnoBzuLlhb189M1w2DwHnHYR8Lygu6ilog9OAdJAsoeCi2OINcpr7klBN9OHB4JMr0k0CxrfAdtT-nodH61MeUbtjQTAN0_QknQ3Xtt1SUtnjNvy1iOJpmictbxDy_mSAiLUcPG6KMuY_EXZY7nOxK05KuSVIXz_EamxQgXvtWjPeAeSeDYc_h=w400-h254\" width=\"400\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\u003Cp\u003EYou also don't allow the \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/accountability.universityofcalifornia.edu\/2021\/chapters\/chapter-2.html#i2.3.6\"\u003Epoorest students to have the most debt at graduation.\u003C\/a\u003E\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EYou stop doing these things by buying out financing gaps for poor and otherwise disadvantaged students, and then you put money into \u0026nbsp;personalized, intensive advising, well-funded student centers, and other things most UC faculty and staff could name off the tops of their heads. \u0026nbsp;When you start paying to provide these things, you're then able close your graduation gaps.\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EThese are all things UC campuses want to do. None of them are things that either the governor or the legislature want to pay for. \u0026nbsp;None of them are things whose costs UCOP has itemized and justified in public in order to inspire the desire to pay for these essential things.\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EThe governor mentioned diversifying university faculty. \u0026nbsp;This has been an explicit UC goal since the 1980s. Again there are racio-cultural obstacles. But the material ones are at least as important. \u0026nbsp;A diverse faculty comes from diverse doctoral programs, which means strong retention in those programs, means fully funding grad students from working-class backgrounds who are at greater risk of dropping out for lack of funds or excess debt. \u0026nbsp;UC does not fund its doctoral programs at the needed level. \u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EThus in 2019-20, grad students went on a multi-campus strike over their rent burden, demanding a cost of living increase outside their union contract so they could cover costs in the private rental market. Nothing was done, and the students who started it (at UC Santa Cruz) were expelled for a while. \u0026nbsp;In the midst of the pandemic in early 2021, UCSD grads had to protest in the face of \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.voiceofsandiego.org\/topics\/education\/ucsd-students-faculty-push-back-against-steep-rent-hikes\/\"\u003Emassive rent hikes in campus housing. \u003C\/a\u003E\u0026nbsp;In 2022,\u0026nbsp;rent burden is, if anything, even worse. The diversity of the faculty stops \u003Ci\u003Ethere\u003C\/i\u003E, with unmanageable costs of living. \u0026nbsp;If it is serious about faculty diversity, UC should announce debt-free doctoral programs. But the governor and legislature would have to pay for it.\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EIn sum, Newsom insists that UC close graduation gaps with essentially the same per-student funding that caused the gaps in the first place. \u0026nbsp;UC officials should point this out.\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003ENow, on this question of college for jobs: Newsom and most policy people continue to work with a version of Human Capital Theory (HCT) descended from the 1950s, in which \"learning equals earning.\" \u0026nbsp;In reality that is true only for a subset of students (generally already financially advantaged--for the theory's flaws see our \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/lareviewofbooks.org\/article\/a-socialist-alternative-to-human-capital-theory\/\"\u003E\u003Ci\u003ELARB \u003C\/i\u003Ereview-essay\u003C\/a\u003E).\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;Policymakers are trying to fix the theory by saying, \"\u003Ci\u003Etech \u003C\/i\u003Elearning equals earning,\" and UCOP encourages this splitting of STEM from other fields by publishing wages-by-major data.).\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EEnter Gavin Newsom: propelled by half-baked but established neo-HCT, he\u0026nbsp;is making these five percent state funding increase contingent on \"supporting workforce preparedness and high-demand career pipelines,\" requiring 25 percent increases in degrees in STEM \"and Education or Early Education\" disciplines, as well as the same increase in \"academic doctoral degrees,\" all by 2026-27. \u0026nbsp;The requirement is not exactly water-tight, and it also has a very weak justification in existing jobs projections. \u0026nbsp;The original 2015 report that started this \"million missing college degrees\" fixation shows most new jobs appearing outside of STEM (\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.ppic.org\/publication\/will-california-run-out-of-college-graduates\/\"\u003EFigure 4)\u003C\/a\u003E. \u0026nbsp; Did anyone in the governor's office read the \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.bls.gov\/oes\/2020\/may\/oes_ca.htm#15-0000\"\u003Ecurrent occupational breakdowns for the state\u003C\/a\u003E? It's the same story here, with tech a minor employer by size (though not by wages, which are high). But the STEM quota sails anyway, towing a legitimate fear about teaching shortages behind.\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EEven if the job market really did say STEM, it's an invasive step for a governor to mandate changes in degree outputs in a university. \u0026nbsp;Californians felt sorry for Floridians having to put up with Gov. Rick Scott making nasty cracks about anthropology and saying he didn't want taxpayers to foot the bill for useless degrees. Newsom is effectively doing the same thing. It raises allocation questions: Will new faculty lines to teach the expanded enrollments \u003Ci\u003Eall \u003C\/i\u003Ego to STEM plus a few for education? \u0026nbsp;Will provosts need to stop hiring in arts and humanities for a number of years to pool lines in the \"high demand careers\"? Should California's future musicians, screenwriters, architects, designers, painters, film editors, historians, novelists, and journalists avoid the experience of being second-class citizens by going to UC?\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EThere are no answers, and this brings me to the experience of watching a governor's budget presentation on dozens of topics where the word \"education\" wasn't uttered until well after minute 70. Newsom organized his address around five existential threats. He had no vision of a New California, but ran through a series of hard problems that must be solved. I sympathize: he has not been having a joyful time. There's pandemic illness and also its political madhouse, with the recall trying to get rid of him for doing his public health job. There's drought and fire and the climate crisis behind them. There's the cost of living crisis. There's decades of underinvestment in transportation and other infrastructure. \u0026nbsp;There's a very polarized state economy, where a third of the workforce earns less than $15 per hour \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.labor.ca.gov\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/338\/2021\/02\/ca-future-of-work-report.pdf\"\u003E(page 3)\u003C\/a\u003E. There's a decades-old housing crisis, where so much private wealth has been absorbed into inflated housing assets that the state spent $5.2 billion last year--an additional University of California state budget--paying people's rent.\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003ENewsom brings a lot of energy to this slate of problems. He fired dozens of powerpoint bullets at them, each carrying a $100 M or $200 M or $1 B payload. But it's all the equivalent of filling (very important) potholes, keeping the electricity on, getting the shots in arms, giving the kids something to do in school until their parents get home. \u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EEven the tech future of green transition is remedial, trying to undig the hole of climate change in a state still almost entirely dependent on the private car. \u0026nbsp;There was something hollow in Newsom's enthusiasm for the state's green tech leadership: he cast the state's investment as bait for private investors, took it as an opportunity to hype the hegemonic tech sector that I think he quietly dislikes for its entitlement and arrogance as do most Californians, overpraised legislative honchos and others, and started referring to California as a \"leader in this space\" or that space--space being a term he used dozens of times.\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EContrast this with how Newsom sounds on things he cares about. Then he is serious, knowledgeable, plainspoken, and open. What he really cares about is pre-K, school nutrition, homelessness, getting people out of encampments, mental health, universal health care, summer school for poor kids, a decent access to basic goods for disadvantaged people. \u0026nbsp;Whatever his neoliberal policies might be, Newsom's deeper desire, I felt watching him, is to ease the worst suffering. \u0026nbsp;This is also where he feels useful, even perhaps a bit of a hero. \u0026nbsp;But this desire doesn't find much to feed on in higher education as officials present it to him.\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EIt's not just Newsom: the media isn't interested in higher ed either. During question time, the press had crisp questions about Newsom's contradictions on personal exemptions from Covid vaccines, his concrete plans for supporting reproductive rights, his borrowing of his recall opponents' plans for the mental health system, and his proposed changes in the \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/khn.org\/news\/article\/clinics-lawsuit-prescription-drugs-medicaid\/\"\u003EMedicaid prescription program\u003C\/a\u003E. They had nothing about higher ed. \u0026nbsp;This is a real problem for the sector. The governors' office doesn’t get vigorously questioned about higher ed, so they don’t prep for that, they rightly think the media and its consumers don't care about the details, so they never think, \"we’re going to get pounded on mandating STEM degrees so we’d better think this through.\" \u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EI’ve written about Biden-era Democrats assigning college to a dedicated space in the welfare state. The good news is that they want government-run social development—Biden has in fact broken with key tenants of neoliberal Obama-Clintonism. \u0026nbsp;The bad news for higher ed is that the Biden-Newsom mainstream has no intellectual developmental plan for higher ed to address. Biden-Newsom are a real policy advance on Obama-Brown--an advance for children, the food insecure, the mentally ill, the unhoused, the uninsured, but not an advance for college students or the educational system. \u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EFor them, the knowledge economy is abstract scenery, a slightly smoggy familiar sky. \u0026nbsp;We may need a million more college degrees, but that's just a logistics problem—there’s no interest in process or content or quality upgrades to say nothing of revolutions in thought or in the public's collective cultural and political capabilities. For them, UC and CSU are server farms that should run quietly in the background. There's nothing heroic about them, and they won't make a hero of any president or governor. \u0026nbsp;They are of modest interest as economic infrastructure. They are certainly not, for this Democratic party, a state engine of destiny. \u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EThis could be changed, in a couple of diverging ways. One would be all three segments busting out of the workforce preparation trap and developing exciting stories of college-fueled individual and social transformation. \u0026nbsp;I know some deans and individual faculty who could do this. I don't know anyone at the senior manager level who would. Please correct me if I've missed some folks.\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EThe second, more plausible path is to comply fully with the mainstream Democrat welfarist passion. Inspiration is also needed here, that makes the state's politicians heroes of social justice. But that means defining the processes that would allow UC (and CSU) really to meet graduation and the other targets, and then setting their \u003Ci\u003Eactual\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/i\u003Eprice.\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EFix the funding, or miss the goals. It shouldn't be a hard decision.\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003E\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E"},"link":[{"rel":"replies","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/feeds\/3474286349631788883\/comments\/default","title":"Post Comments"},{"rel":"replies","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2022\/01\/newsoms-big-funding-budget-for-uc-and.html#comment-form","title":"1 Comments"},{"rel":"edit","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/3474286349631788883"},{"rel":"self","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/3474286349631788883"},{"rel":"alternate","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2022\/01\/newsoms-big-funding-budget-for-uc-and.html","title":"For UC and CSU, Newsom's *Big Funding* Budget is Flat"}],"author":[{"name":{"$t":"Chris Newfield"},"uri":{"$t":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/profile\/01078395415386100872"},"email":{"$t":"noreply@blogger.com"},"gd$image":{"rel":"http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail","width":"16","height":"16","src":"https:\/\/img1.blogblog.com\/img\/b16-rounded.gif"}}],"media$thumbnail":{"xmlns$media":"http://search.yahoo.com/mrss/","url":"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/a\/AVvXsEgi5YvM6VnYxjHzRygSKYGNyeZIbYDT32QkfodB1LwIbLud9_k1sQ7fIKiA9IvX7p45ipSdO3DtyBRb2OVqjCVJZtubHL_78i51oM9qU5BzMi6EDqjaw1uus9tydfu391zo6lXrcz5gUuQ4OxuOjPEBOruOLHFuBNKJbnbrETX4yOJpTK1hMvDAHdnf=s72-w400-h300-c","height":"72","width":"72"},"thr$total":{"$t":"1"}},{"id":{"$t":"tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1170716682680204889.post-4500161027274020685"},"published":{"$t":"2021-02-17T14:38:00.004-08:00"},"updated":{"$t":"2021-02-17T14:44:26.064-08:00"},"category":[{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Budget Cuts"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Covid-19"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Covid-19 Cuts"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Cuts \u0026 Cuts"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Funding Model"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"FutherCuts"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"More Cuts"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Public Funding"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Race"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Structural Racism"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"UC Regents"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"UC Riverside"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"UCOP"}],"title":{"type":"text","$t":" Stop Redlining UCR! "},"content":{"type":"html","$t":"\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEjfCQc3sMZlxvC8Lhv1AIwJW4-xJ5HIO7Y-ctEFhz3TsNrWbpEz-2y4ZBYwCFL9oL0C7EIzpspjNsYJx-43V8Foq3QAei6tQCRYs_Ktran7YT7O9Vey7e-tIxZkUBQMrzVYRO2OFnzQqck\/s1024\/ops.editorial.ucrtoday-1024x768.jpg\" imageanchor=\"1\" style=\"clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"768\" data-original-width=\"1024\" height=\"300\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEjfCQc3sMZlxvC8Lhv1AIwJW4-xJ5HIO7Y-ctEFhz3TsNrWbpEz-2y4ZBYwCFL9oL0C7EIzpspjNsYJx-43V8Foq3QAei6tQCRYs_Ktran7YT7O9Vey7e-tIxZkUBQMrzVYRO2OFnzQqck\/w400-h300\/ops.editorial.ucrtoday-1024x768.jpg\" width=\"400\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003EAn Open Letter to University of California President Michael V. Drake and the University of California Board of Regents\u003Cp\u003EDear President Drake and Members of the UC Board of Regents,\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EWe write to you today with our backs against the wall. As department chairs and program directors in the most racially diverse college at one of the two most racially diverse campuses in the University of California system, we in UC Riverside’s College of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences (CHASS) and our staff and faculty colleagues across UCR have been struggling for years to make ends meet. Already chronically underfunded by the state, UCR was devastated by the budget decisions made by then-President Yudof and the Regents at the height of the Great Recession. We have worked in staggeringly understaffed and underfunded conditions since then. Yet on top of our chronic underfunding by the state, we now face an additional – and permanent – 11 percent budget cut. This is not just unsustainable financially, it is unsupportable on grounds of fairness, equity, and most importantly, of racial justice – pillars of the University of California’s mission.\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EUCR’s budget is made up almost entirely of salaries and benefits – in CHASS, the proportion is 98 percent. Thus any permanent budget cut inevitably is a cut in people. We hemorrhaged staff and faculty during the Great Recession, and although we have been able to hire additional faculty in subsequent years, our student population has grown rapidly enough to largely outpace those gains, leaving us severely overcrowded and still struggling to rebuild. Our world-class research university already operates on a shoestring; further cuts would be devastating. For many of us, this pattern of systemic neglect and chronic underfunding of a university serving a student body composed of at least 85 percent students of color is troublingly reminiscent of redlining, the practices consolidated after the Second World War that devastated thriving neighborhoods made up predominantly of people of color. We are writing to implore you to stop the redlining of UCR.\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EWith roots stretching back to the turn of the twentieth century, UCR has a distinguished history in the UC system. A former agricultural experiment station, UCR was meant to serve as a flagship undergraduate institution in the UC system, serving the Inland region of Southern California. UCR is second only to UC Merced in the percentage of students of color, has one of the highest percentages of Pell grant recipients in the nation, and serves a student body that is well over 50 percent first-generation college students. Yet our increasingly brown and working-class campus has frequently been overlooked or sidelined within the UC system.\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EThis is not simply a symbolic move; even after a post-recession reconfiguration of the UC system’s distribution of state funds to its campuses, UCR currently receives approximately $8,500 per student, whereas UCLA receives closer to $11,500 and the Berkeley, Davis, Irvine, and San Diego campuses receive $10,000. Yet our student-to-faculty ratio is higher than the UC system average, and our student-to-staff ratio is fully 38% higher. We applaud the recent “re-benching” decision that will bring the funding of UCR and other under-funded campuses to within 95 percent of the systemwide per-student average by 2024. But as with redlined neighborhoods, the damage to UCR’s resources from decades of neglect cannot be reversed simply by bringing our support from the system up to an amount that is only slightly below average rather than grossly below average, nor will the phased-in implementation of this plan help us avoid devastation in the present moment. We were facing an 11 percent budget cut before the announcement of the re-benching; we are facing the same budget cut after its announcement, because rebenching is not enough.\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EIt takes more funding, not less, to create an educational environment in which first-generation college students and students of color can thrive. UCR has been lauded for closing the gap in graduation rates between white students and students of color, and for the past two years \u003Ci\u003EUS News and World Report\u003C\/i\u003E has ranked us the top US university for social mobility. We have an internationally renowned faculty that includes two Nobel Laureates, close to fifty Fulbright and National Endowment for the Humanities Fellows, and nineteen Guggenheim Fellows. But in addition to being highly accomplished researchers, scholars, and artists, our faculty are something more: many of us came to and have remained at UCR because of our deep commitment to serving first-generation and BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, and people of color) students. UCR educates Californians – 96 percent of our students are California residents – and in return, because we do not expand our budget with out-of-state tuition, we suffer. Were all UC campuses facing the same dire circumstances, we would weather the storm shoulder-to-shoulder with them. Instead, we are being left out in the cold yet again: when many colleges at other UC campuses are losing only two to three percent of their budgets, we are facing the stark decisions demanded by an 11 percent permanent budget cut. This abandonment by the President’s office and the Board of Regents is a demoralizing example of structural racism.\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EFor nearly a year, we have all witnessed the disproportionate impact of both COVID-19 and the pandemic-induced recession on BIPOC communities, some of them the same communities devastated by redlining and nearly destroyed by the Great Recession. Communities subjected to decades and, in many cases, centuries of systemic racism have few of the resources that have helped many white communities to remain safe and financially solvent during this crisis. Systematically deprived of resources through decades of neglect, our campus – with one of the brownest and poorest student bodies in the entire UC system – is facing economic devastation. How will staff who already do the work of two people take on more, if we have to cut our staffing even further? How will departments that are already stretched to breaking stretch further? Should we increase our teaching load even more, and destroy the stellar educational system we have built in favor of an impersonal factory model? Should we turn away from our research and creative production and deprive our students of the cutting-edge insights and opportunities afforded by a world-class faculty? With a globally engaged student body, should we meekly accept the elimination of UCR from the UCDC program and others like it? The UC system clearly believes that students at other UC campuses deserve these opportunities; are our students any less deserving?\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EThe correlation is glaring between the fact that we serve one of the highest numbers of BIPOC students in the system, the historic lack of systemwide investment in our campus, and the offer of a solution that brings the UC system’s support of us to less far below average over the course of the next several years. In a time of long-overdue attention to the destruction wreaked by systemic racism in the US, it should finally be clear that UCR’s students deserve a fully equal investment from the UC system, including support to correct for years of economic marginalization. It’s time to stop redlining UCR.\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003ERespectfully,\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EJuliann Emmons Allison, Director, Global Studies\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003ESheila Bergman, Executive Director, UCR ARTS\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EHeidi Brayman, Director, Liberal Studies\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003ERogerio Budasz, Chair, Department of Music\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EEdward T. Chang, Director, Young Oak Kim Center for Korean American Studies Christopher K. Chase-Dunn, Director, Institute for Research on World-Systems Walter A. Clark, Director, Center for Iberian and Latin American Music Derick A. Fay, Acting Chair, Department of Anthropology\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003ETod Goldberg, Program Director, Low Residency MFA in Creative Writing \u0026amp; Writing for the Performing Arts\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EWeihsin Gui, Director, Southeast Asian Studies Program\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003ESherine Hafez, Chair, Department of Gender and Sexuality Studies\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003ESteven M. Helfand, Chair, Department of Economics\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003ERickerby Hinds, Chair, Department of Theater, Film, and Digital Production Tamara C. Ho, Director, California Center for Native Nations\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EMatthew King, Director, Asian Studies Program\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EJacques Lezra, Chair, Department of Hispanic Studies\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EDavid Lloyd, Chair, Department of English\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003ETom Lutz, Chair, Department of Creative Writing\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EJohn N. Medearis, Chair, Department of Political Science\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EYunhee Min, Chair, Department of Art\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EJennifer R. Nájera, Chair, Department of Ethnic Studies\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EDaniel Ozer, Chair, Department of Psychology\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EAndrews Reath, Chair, Department of Philosophy\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EEllen Reese, Co-Chair, Department of Sociology and Chair of Labor Studies Judith Rodenbeck, Chair, Department of Media and Cultural Studies\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EJeff Sacks, Chair, Department of Comparative Literature and Languages Michele Salzman, Chair, Department of History\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EJoel Mejia Smith, Chair, Department of Dance\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EGlenn Stanley, Co-chair, Department of Sociology\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EJason Weems, Chair, Department of the History of Art\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003EMelissa M. Wilcox, Chair, Department of Religious Studies\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp\u003E\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E"},"link":[{"rel":"replies","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/feeds\/4500161027274020685\/comments\/default","title":"Post Comments"},{"rel":"replies","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2021\/02\/stop-redlining-ucr.html#comment-form","title":"0 Comments"},{"rel":"edit","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/4500161027274020685"},{"rel":"self","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/4500161027274020685"},{"rel":"alternate","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2021\/02\/stop-redlining-ucr.html","title":" Stop Redlining UCR! "}],"author":[{"name":{"$t":"Chris Newfield"},"uri":{"$t":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/profile\/01078395415386100872"},"email":{"$t":"noreply@blogger.com"},"gd$image":{"rel":"http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail","width":"16","height":"16","src":"https:\/\/img1.blogblog.com\/img\/b16-rounded.gif"}}],"media$thumbnail":{"xmlns$media":"http://search.yahoo.com/mrss/","url":"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEjfCQc3sMZlxvC8Lhv1AIwJW4-xJ5HIO7Y-ctEFhz3TsNrWbpEz-2y4ZBYwCFL9oL0C7EIzpspjNsYJx-43V8Foq3QAei6tQCRYs_Ktran7YT7O9Vey7e-tIxZkUBQMrzVYRO2OFnzQqck\/s72-w400-h300-c\/ops.editorial.ucrtoday-1024x768.jpg","height":"72","width":"72"},"thr$total":{"$t":"0"}},{"id":{"$t":"tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1170716682680204889.post-7505448545781965700"},"published":{"$t":"2021-01-11T09:50:00.002-08:00"},"updated":{"$t":"2021-01-11T10:06:28.463-08:00"},"category":[{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Policing"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Protests"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Race"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"white nationalism"}],"title":{"type":"text","$t":"The Meaning of January 6 (message from the American Studies Association President) "},"content":{"type":"html","$t":"\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003E\u003Ci\u003ELetter from UC Riverside professor Dylan Rodriguez to the ASA community:\u003C\/i\u003E \u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003EDear\nColleagues, Friends, and Loved Ones,\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\n\n\n\n\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003EThere has\nbeen an expected wave of statements from higher education administrators,\nacademic departments, research centers, and prominent individuals affiliated\nwith our fields of work regarding the armed deadly takeover of the United\nStates Capitol by self-declared “patriots” on January 6, 2021.\u003Cspan style=\"mso-spacerun: yes;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp; \u003C\/span\u003EI must be honest that i dread adding to this\nnoise, which is why i have waited a few days to send this note.\u003Cspan style=\"mso-spacerun: yes;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp; \u003C\/span\u003EI do not write on behalf of the ASA or its\nleadership body, but rather out of a humble sense of accountability to the\ncommunities of radical and abolitionist movement that nourish me.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003ELast\nweek’s spectacular white nationalist coup attempt may have been exceptional in\nform, but (for many of us) was entirely familiar—utterly “American”—in\ncontent.\u003Cspan style=\"mso-spacerun: yes;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp; \u003C\/span\u003EIt is misleading, historically\ninaccurate, and politically dangerous to frame this event—and the condition\nthat produced it—as an isolated or extremist exception to the foundational and\nsustained violence that constitutes the United States.\u003Cspan style=\"mso-spacerun: yes;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp; \u003C\/span\u003EAs the surging neo-Confederates in the\nCapitol building made clear, there is a long tradition of (fully armed)\npopulist, extra-state, and (ostensibly) extra-legal reactionary movement that\nholds a lasting claim of entitlement on the nation and its edifices of official\npower.\u003Cspan style=\"mso-spacerun: yes;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"mso-spacerun: yes;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003EFurther,\nthe steady trickle of information from January 6 indicates that police\npower—including the prominent presence of (former) police and “Blue Lives\nMatter” in the coup itself—animated and populated this white nationalist\nsiege.\u003Cspan style=\"mso-spacerun: yes;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp; \u003C\/span\u003EContrary to prevailing accounts,\nthis event was not defined by a failure of police power, but rather was a\nmilitant expression of it.\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\n\n\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003EPeople in\nthe extended ASA community have organized their lifework around practices of\nfreedom, knowledge, and teaching that unapologetically confront this physical\nand figurative mob in, before, and beyond 2021.\u003Cspan style=\"mso-spacerun: yes;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp;\n\u003C\/span\u003EI write as your colleague, comrade, and “ASA President” to urge you to\ninvigorate and expand your scholarly, activist, and creative labors in this\ntime of turmoil.\u003Cspan style=\"mso-spacerun: yes;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp; \u003C\/span\u003EThe ASA is but one\nmodest apparatus at your disposal.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\n\n\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003EFinally,\ni encourage a collective embrace of an ethic and practice that is common to\nsome, though underdiscussed by far too many:\u003Cspan style=\"mso-spacerun: yes;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp;\n\u003C\/span\u003Ecollective, communal self-defense.\u003Cspan style=\"mso-spacerun: yes;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp;\n\u003C\/span\u003EThis robust ethic and practice is not only central to abolitionist,\nliberationist, Black (feminist, queer, trans) radical, and Indigenous\nself-determination traditions of mutual aid and community building, but is also\na necessary aspect of “campus life” for many of us in the ASA.\u003Cspan style=\"mso-spacerun: yes;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp; \u003C\/span\u003EThe need to develop well-deliberated,\nmutually accountable forms of self-defense cannot be abstracted, caricatured,\nor trivialized in this moment of asymmetrical vulnerability to illness and\nterror.\u003Cspan style=\"mso-spacerun: yes;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp; \u003C\/span\u003EGet your back, and get each\nother’s backs, in whatever way you can.\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\n\n\n\n\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003EPeace\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;\"\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\n\n\u003Cp class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\u003Cspan face=\"\u0026quot;Arial\u0026quot;,sans-serif\" style=\"color: #262626; font-size: 13pt;\"\u003Edylan\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/p\u003E\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003Cstyle\u003E@font-face\n\t{font-family:\"Cambria Math\";\n\tpanose-1:2 4 5 3 5 4 6 3 2 4;\n\tmso-font-charset:0;\n\tmso-generic-font-family:roman;\n\tmso-font-pitch:variable;\n\tmso-font-signature:3 0 0 0 1 0;}@font-face\n\t{font-family:DengXian;\n\tpanose-1:2 1 6 0 3 1 1 1 1 1;\n\tmso-font-alt:等线;\n\tmso-font-charset:134;\n\tmso-generic-font-family:auto;\n\tmso-font-pitch:variable;\n\tmso-font-signature:-1610612033 953122042 22 0 262159 0;}@font-face\n\t{font-family:Calibri;\n\tpanose-1:2 15 5 2 2 2 4 3 2 4;\n\tmso-font-charset:0;\n\tmso-generic-font-family:swiss;\n\tmso-font-pitch:variable;\n\tmso-font-signature:-469750017 -1073732485 9 0 511 0;}@font-face\n\t{font-family:\"\\@DengXian\";\n\tpanose-1:2 1 6 0 3 1 1 1 1 1;\n\tmso-font-charset:134;\n\tmso-generic-font-family:auto;\n\tmso-font-pitch:variable;\n\tmso-font-signature:-1610612033 953122042 22 0 262159 0;}p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal\n\t{mso-style-unhide:no;\n\tmso-style-qformat:yes;\n\tmso-style-parent:\"\";\n\tmargin:0in;\n\tmso-pagination:widow-orphan;\n\tfont-size:12.0pt;\n\tfont-family:\"Calibri\",sans-serif;\n\tmso-ascii-font-family:Calibri;\n\tmso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;\n\tmso-fareast-font-family:DengXian;\n\tmso-fareast-theme-font:minor-fareast;\n\tmso-hansi-font-family:Calibri;\n\tmso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;\n\tmso-bidi-font-family:Arial;\n\tmso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;}.MsoChpDefault\n\t{mso-style-type:export-only;\n\tmso-default-props:yes;\n\tfont-family:\"Calibri\",sans-serif;\n\tmso-ascii-font-family:Calibri;\n\tmso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;\n\tmso-fareast-font-family:DengXian;\n\tmso-fareast-theme-font:minor-fareast;\n\tmso-hansi-font-family:Calibri;\n\tmso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;\n\tmso-bidi-font-family:Arial;\n\tmso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;}div.WordSection1\n\t{page:WordSection1;}\u003C\/style\u003E"},"link":[{"rel":"replies","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/feeds\/7505448545781965700\/comments\/default","title":"Post Comments"},{"rel":"replies","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2021\/01\/traditions-of-communal-self-defense.html#comment-form","title":"0 Comments"},{"rel":"edit","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/7505448545781965700"},{"rel":"self","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/7505448545781965700"},{"rel":"alternate","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2021\/01\/traditions-of-communal-self-defense.html","title":"The Meaning of January 6 (message from the American Studies Association President) "}],"author":[{"name":{"$t":"Chris Newfield"},"uri":{"$t":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/profile\/01078395415386100872"},"email":{"$t":"noreply@blogger.com"},"gd$image":{"rel":"http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail","width":"16","height":"16","src":"https:\/\/img1.blogblog.com\/img\/b16-rounded.gif"}}],"thr$total":{"$t":"0"}},{"id":{"$t":"tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1170716682680204889.post-3043768981585794273"},"published":{"$t":"2020-06-28T11:14:00.001-07:00"},"updated":{"$t":"2021-01-14T07:40:42.076-08:00"},"category":[{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Funding Model"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Public Funding"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Race"}],"title":{"type":"text","$t":"When Are Access and Inclusion Also Racist? "},"content":{"type":"html","$t":"\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEh6nOLOUYerK750GUHQPC-OkUY5JCDeONrO_AeZ9pUkCqGrlR0hr4CQY7tZ0VX7tYVYhGGHP3j_1-59iYBDNSyg6RHWqkp5GGttTnfH4JLZy8xyu4Tf-7S9r6NUYLIiaOW3FSzLcpuTCDs\/s1600\/Napolitano+Perez+DACA+Win+061820+LAT.png\" style=\"clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"1078\" data-original-width=\"1600\" height=\"215\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEh6nOLOUYerK750GUHQPC-OkUY5JCDeONrO_AeZ9pUkCqGrlR0hr4CQY7tZ0VX7tYVYhGGHP3j_1-59iYBDNSyg6RHWqkp5GGttTnfH4JLZy8xyu4Tf-7S9r6NUYLIiaOW3FSzLcpuTCDs\/s320\/Napolitano+Perez+DACA+Win+061820+LAT.png\" width=\"320\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003EAnswer: when students of color get access to and are included in a university that has become inferior to that built for whites.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThis can happen across universities, or across campuses in a university system, or across disciplines on a campus, or across time in one university.\u0026nbsp; Victories for access don't take care of the problem of unequal educational treatment.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThis isn't to belittle this month's access victories.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nFirst, the University of California Board of Regents voted to \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.insidehighered.com\/admissions\/article\/2020\/05\/26\/university-california-votes-phase-out-sat-and-act\"\u003Ephase out the SAT in admissions\u003C\/a\u003E.\u0026nbsp; This will push UC and others towards the holistic, qualitative assessment of candidates that they should have been practicing since the \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.law.cornell.edu\/supremecourt\/text\/438\/265\"\u003EBakke decision of 1978\u003C\/a\u003E.\u0026nbsp; It's true that the Academic Senate's \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/senate.universityofcalifornia.edu\/_files\/underreview\/sttf-report.pdf\"\u003Ereport\u003C\/a\u003E suggests this isn't a magic bullet for increasing the presence of underrepresented minority (URM) students. It's also true that the decision was not good for faculty governance (see John Douglass's \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/cshe.berkeley.edu\/sites\/default\/files\/rops.cshe_.8.2020.douglass.ucvssat_briefhistory.6.25.2020.pdf\"\u003Enew paper \u003C\/a\u003Eon both points). All I'll note here is that the SAT is not just a test. It's an ideology, one that has consistently and wrongly claimed that racial inclusion lowers academic quality.\u0026nbsp; Politicians have used SAT scores to make whites think that widening access victimizes them.\u0026nbsp; It has been a technology of racial resentment that has helped unmake the public university. (\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.hup.harvard.edu\/catalog.php?isbn=9780674060364\u0026amp;content=toc\"\u003ESee chapters 3-7\u003C\/a\u003E in my book of that name for an extended discussion of the structural racism of what I called \u003Ci\u003Erank meritocracy\u003C\/i\u003E, featuring 1990s Gov. Pete Wilson's use of SAT scores to induce the UC Regents to ban affirmative action.)\u0026nbsp; The SAT's suspension is a real victory for cross-racial access.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThe same can be said of the \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.insidehighered.com\/news\/2020\/06\/19\/supreme-court-rules-trump-administration-cannot-immediately-end-daca\"\u003Etemporary reprieve for the DACA program \u003C\/a\u003Ewon by a \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.supremecourt.gov\/opinions\/19pdf\/18-587_5ifl.pdf\"\u003EUC lawsuit.\u003C\/a\u003E\u0026nbsp; UC president Janet Napolitano and Board of Regents chair John Pérez \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.latimes.com\/california\/story\/2020-06-18\/after-high-court-daca-decision-uc-vows-to-push-forward-with-support-for-immigrant\"\u003Enoted that UC would continue to fight for full access\u003C\/a\u003E to UC and to financial aid, legal services, and other support systems for undocumented students brought to the US as children. \u0026nbsp; \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cblockquote class=\"tr_bq\"\u003E\nSuch actions “expressed the desire of those of us in California to make \nsure that we expanded opportunity and worked towards broad-based \nimmigration reform as well,” Pérez said.\u0026nbsp; And so I think it would be no surprise to anybody that this university \nis going to continue to commit itself to representing the interest of \nall our students.\" \u003C\/blockquote\u003E\nThis is another access victory, which universities will need to work to sustain.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nAnd yet access raises the question, access to what? What is the university that Napolitano and Pérez, as those most responsible for UC's finances, offer access to?\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nIn brief, they offer today's students access to an underfunded UC.\u0026nbsp; Today's increased proportion of undocumented, first generation, low-income, immigrant, and URM students have fewer educational and related resources than did the cohorts that came before.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nI documented this in a recent post.\u0026nbsp; Even after today's students pay a multiple of the tuition paid by students twenty years ago, \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/3d1CtZP\"\u003Etheir UC of 2020 has sixty percent of the net per-student funding compared to that earlier UC\u003C\/a\u003E.\u0026nbsp; I noted that Pérez, as Assembly Speaker, was a\u0026nbsp;\u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2013\/01\/privatization-hits-wall.html\"\u003Eleading enforcer of this austerity.\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nBut is this negative funding pattern a racial pattern? We can check by comparing the share of white students at UC to the share of state income the government allocates to the university.\u0026nbsp; \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEiTUmTN9cUOirg4lx3ZGUF5qbtE-hEnTMMQ3eUhXmR4BJhbljKo2xJXdPgesYKpvkNGJxctvLyKhx6PSm6ZuRNVCrsVJpUM_NOukQXOhBhHLLNbcPA-O5geZC4PKKkFslUyYCUp8R0G1XI\/s1600\/White+Share+UC+Enroll+x+State+GF+0620.png\" style=\"margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"916\" data-original-width=\"1600\" height=\"366\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEiTUmTN9cUOirg4lx3ZGUF5qbtE-hEnTMMQ3eUhXmR4BJhbljKo2xJXdPgesYKpvkNGJxctvLyKhx6PSm6ZuRNVCrsVJpUM_NOukQXOhBhHLLNbcPA-O5geZC4PKKkFslUyYCUp8R0G1XI\/s640\/White+Share+UC+Enroll+x+State+GF+0620.png\" width=\"640\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\nThe state's politicians have defunded UC in the \u003Ci\u003Eexact\u003C\/i\u003E proportion of its decline in white student share.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThis is not a coordinated intention, but it has happened anyway. White enrollment and funding go down hand in hand--except when funding goes down faster during major economic downturns. Republican and Democratic leaders give diverse UC less money than they gave a comparatively white UC. \u003Ci\u003EThis\u003C\/i\u003E is what racist inclusion looks like.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nHigher ed funding expresses systemic racism, even as most members of college communities oppose it.\u0026nbsp; We've seen \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/cew.georgetown.edu\/cew-reports\/separate-unequal\/\"\u003Ethe national pattern of \"separate but unequal\" \u003C\/a\u003Ein\n which most new white students go to selective colleges while most new\nstudents of color go to open access colleges--which have less money and \nlower graduation rates. We've seen the UC campuses with\u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2012\/01\/racial-patterns-of-campus-budget.html\"\u003E higher shares of students of color get less funding from UCOP\u003C\/a\u003E. (\"Rebenching\" did not fully fix this).\u0026nbsp; In our UC system case, we see California state leaders--including leaders of racialized, educationally underserved communities--coming up with excuses, year after year, to fund UC in \u003Ci\u003Einverse\u003C\/i\u003E proportion to its diversity.\u0026nbsp; \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nOne can be consciously anti-racist while supporting systemic racism.\u0026nbsp; This is a pattern in U.S. political life. The pattern is top-down austerity management for institutions devoted to racial equality and related forms of social justice.\u0026nbsp; While politicians of both major parties have deregulated and de-taxed the private sector, they have applied austerity to public institutions, which offer reduced quality of service to populations that are often minority-majority.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThe historian Elizabeth Hinton recently outlined \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2020\/06\/02\/opinion\/george-floyd-protests-1960s.html\"\u003Ethe longer-term pattern:\u003C\/a\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"margin-left: 0.5in;\"\u003E\nPresident Lyndon B. Johnson recognized\nthe role police brutality and socioeconomic inequality played in urban\nuprisings when he convened the Kerner Commission in 1967. Its report warned\nthat if American political and economic institutions failed to commit resources\n“sufficient to make a dramatic, visible impact on life in the urban ghetto,”\nthe nation would become increasingly divided along racial lines and plagued by\ninequality — a “spiral” of segregation, violence and police force. \u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\nThough the Kerner Commission and much subsequent research\ncreated \"blueprints\" for changing the “socioeconomic\nconditions that led to [George] Floyd’s premature death,” these research blueprints were\nnever implemented.\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\" style=\"margin-left: 0.5in;\"\u003E\nThe tragedy of the war on poverty\nis that the promise of grass-roots empowerment and representation was not\nsustained on a wider level, or for entire communities, but only for\nindividuals. While remnants of critical reforms are still with us, like the\nHead Start program, on the whole policymakers at all levels believed “maximum\nfeasible participation” worked against their self-interest. By 1965, as many\npromising grass-roots initiatives began to receive the initial [Office of\nEconomic Opportunity] grants, they were required to design programs with public\nofficials and municipal authorities in top-level positions. Soon after,\npolicymakers defunded and dissolved anti-poverty programs. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cdiv\u003E\n\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nUC isn't being dissolved.\u0026nbsp; But it is being steadily defunded.\u0026nbsp; Napolitano and her OP, Pérez and his regents, aren't openly opposing the most likely scenario for the state portion of UC's 2020-21 budget--a net 7 percent cut from 2019-20's level, or -$260.8 million. This cut to the permanent budget would happen in a year when Covid-19 health and safety could \u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/theconversation.com\/going-online-due-to-covid-19-this-fall-could-hurt-colleges-future-138926\"\u003Eadd at least $1 billion to the system's costs. \u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThe long defunding has reduced the power and vitality of UC grassroots--for example, \nof the academic departments with a fraction of their former funding for \nspeakers and internal research, which now depend on the accident of \nprivate donations. Similarly, UC's equivalent of anti-poverty \nprograms--for students facing food insecurity, housing insecurity, and \nmental health issues--are also funded at a fraction of estimated need.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nReplicating the other key post-Kerner retrenchment, UC governance is more top-down than ever. On the important matter of selecting the new president, the Board excluded the Academic Advisory Committee from basic participation in the search for the new president: even its Chair was \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/senate.universityofcalifornia.edu\/_files\/reports\/assembly-resolution-presidential-search.pdf\"\u003Enot allowed to attend selection committee meetings.\u003C\/a\u003E UCOP treated the UCSC wildcat COLA strike as a breach of contract discipline rather than as a desperate attempt to communicate basic needs. Participants still face disciplinary charges at Santa Cruz \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2020\/05\/ucsc-assistant-professor-letter-to.html\"\u003Ein spite of faculty objections\u003C\/a\u003E. The Board of Regents remain literally inaccessible to faculty, who may not address the Board except through the president (\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/regents.universityofcalifornia.edu\/governance\/standing-orders\/so1052.html\"\u003EStanding Order 105.2(e)\u003C\/a\u003E).\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nJerry Brown, Gavin Newsom, Janet Napolitano, John Pérez, and their \nlegislative comrades have replicated in higher ed the strategy that 1960s politicians applied\u0026nbsp; to cities after Black uprisings against police violence and racist \nunderdevelopment.\u0026nbsp; They have expressed support for their developmentalist \ninstitutions while taking money and power out of them.\u0026nbsp; Of course the \nsocial damage done by underfunding public services for Black and other \ncommunities has been far greater than that wrought by underfunding of \npublic universities.\u0026nbsp; But the practices are analogous. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThe public university funding model is \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/jhupbooks.press.jhu.edu\/title\/great-mistake\"\u003Ebroken\u003C\/a\u003E--and\n racist.\u0026nbsp; More inclusion as such won't fix that. Funding parity will fix\n it.\u0026nbsp; That means\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/66fix.org\/\"\u003E the 66 Dollar Fix \u003C\/a\u003Eor some similar Covid-era stimulus funding that gets per-student resources to the benchmark established for white UC."},"link":[{"rel":"replies","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/feeds\/3043768981585794273\/comments\/default","title":"Post Comments"},{"rel":"replies","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2020\/06\/when-are-access-and-inclusion-also.html#comment-form","title":"2 Comments"},{"rel":"edit","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/3043768981585794273"},{"rel":"self","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/3043768981585794273"},{"rel":"alternate","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2020\/06\/when-are-access-and-inclusion-also.html","title":"When Are Access and Inclusion Also Racist? "}],"author":[{"name":{"$t":"Chris Newfield"},"uri":{"$t":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/profile\/01078395415386100872"},"email":{"$t":"noreply@blogger.com"},"gd$image":{"rel":"http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail","width":"16","height":"16","src":"https:\/\/img1.blogblog.com\/img\/b16-rounded.gif"}}],"media$thumbnail":{"xmlns$media":"http://search.yahoo.com/mrss/","url":"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEh6nOLOUYerK750GUHQPC-OkUY5JCDeONrO_AeZ9pUkCqGrlR0hr4CQY7tZ0VX7tYVYhGGHP3j_1-59iYBDNSyg6RHWqkp5GGttTnfH4JLZy8xyu4Tf-7S9r6NUYLIiaOW3FSzLcpuTCDs\/s72-c\/Napolitano+Perez+DACA+Win+061820+LAT.png","height":"72","width":"72"},"thr$total":{"$t":"2"}},{"id":{"$t":"tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1170716682680204889.post-2585165994973969797"},"published":{"$t":"2019-04-29T07:19:00.000-07:00"},"updated":{"$t":"2019-04-29T13:15:53.792-07:00"},"category":[{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Debt-Free College"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Inequality"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Public Funding"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"public goods"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Race"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Student Debt"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Tuition Hikes"}],"title":{"type":"text","$t":"Why Elizabeth Warren's Free College Plan is So Important"},"content":{"type":"html","$t":"\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEi880ZA7qNYJ7v3YGkqCJ98uD2-h8N5W7n5cJbwp7ulRDgvaiQNhg-QGLZ15KP_wdyJTUk5_Noce1yJ7EB2Styy9bL_L1GhVSG94Xmzr2nUeAlLGpUYQNLOjSQsOqoP2OeMVxigDnJ_KVQ\/s1600\/Debt+Free+Zero+Hedge.jpg\" imageanchor=\"1\" style=\"clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"719\" data-original-width=\"1280\" height=\"179\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEi880ZA7qNYJ7v3YGkqCJ98uD2-h8N5W7n5cJbwp7ulRDgvaiQNhg-QGLZ15KP_wdyJTUk5_Noce1yJ7EB2Styy9bL_L1GhVSG94Xmzr2nUeAlLGpUYQNLOjSQsOqoP2OeMVxigDnJ_KVQ\/s320\/Debt+Free+Zero+Hedge.jpg\" width=\"320\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\nElizabeth Warren's free college and debt relief plan is a major intervention in the national discussion about the future of higher ed.\u0026nbsp; (Image credit \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.zerohedge.com\/news\/2019-04-26\/us-government-spending-colleges-already-higher-countries-free-college\"\u003EZero Hedge\u003C\/a\u003E). Her plan has one big kink, which I'll get to later. The Democrats' current job is to fix public college financing without recapitulating the Republicans' private-good framework that has justified disinvestment. That's what Warren's plan does.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThe instant criticisms raised important issues, but also create the danger that party leaders will wound Warren's plan without killing it.\u0026nbsp; The \"new normal\" wins if critics can get the Democratic base to feel ambivalence about a big fix--opposed to student debt but not proudly \u003Ci\u003Efor\u003C\/i\u003E Warren's debt relief.\u0026nbsp; The new normal has lowered voter expectations about everything--\"forget a good job, I just want \u003Ci\u003Ea \u003C\/i\u003Ejob, or two.\"\u0026nbsp; The Dem temptation is to run against student debt and still be the guilty austerity party of alleged appeal to donors and undecideds.\u0026nbsp; Unfortunately, this austerity tradition has given the Democrats a justified reputation for inadequate solutions and ineffective moral posturing.\u0026nbsp; This reputation has cost them most state governments and 2.5\/3 branches of the federal government. Public college underfunding is just one result. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nEnter Warren, \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/medium.com\/@teamwarren\/im-calling-for-something-truly-transformational-universal-free-public-college-and-cancellation-of-a246cd0f910f?cid=db\"\u003Ewhose plan\u003C\/a\u003E actually does the Democratic party a giant favor. It\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cul\u003E\n\u003Cli\u003Erejects the 30-year-old Democratic tradition of nudges and cheapness.\u003C\/li\u003E\n\u003Cli\u003Escales Democratic policy to the size of the opposing Republican policy. Trump cut taxes on business and the wealthy by more than a trillion dollars over ten years.\u0026nbsp; Warren reinvests in public colleges by more a trillion dollars over ten years.\u003C\/li\u003E\n\u003Cli\u003Erebates expenses to the middle- and working-classes rather than to the rich.\u0026nbsp; It's a small-d democratic stimulus program.\u003C\/li\u003E\n\u003Cli\u003Estarts rebuilding at the gigantic scale at which higher ed is being built in East Asia and elsewhere.\u0026nbsp; This cuts through the false sense of superiority that burdens Anglophone policy.\u003C\/li\u003E\n\u003Cli\u003Edefines the \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/medium.com\/@teamwarren\/im-calling-for-something-truly-transformational-universal-free-public-college-and-cancellation-of-a246cd0f910f?cid=db\"\u003Eprinciple of public reinvestment as a universal, egalitarian benefit\u003C\/a\u003E:\u003C\/li\u003E\n\u003C\/ul\u003E\n\u003Cblockquote class=\"tr_bq\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan data-creator-ids=\"anon\" name=\"anon_f4536e8ee282\"\u003EWe got into this \ncrisis because state governments and the federal government decided that\n instead of treating higher education like our public school \nsystem — free and accessible to all Americans — they’d rather cut taxes \nfor billionaires and giant corporations and offload the cost of higher \neducation onto students and their families.\u003C\/span\u003E \u003C\/blockquote\u003E\nWarren grounds wealth-creation in social labor.\u0026nbsp; She has figured out how to make this \npoint to \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.realclearpolitics.com\/video\/2019\/04\/22\/warren_stop_student_loan_crisis_from_happening_again_by_making_college_available_for_free.html\"\u003Ea mass television audience\u003C\/a\u003E:\n\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cblockquote class=\"tr_bq\"\u003E\n\u0026nbsp;But now that you've got that great fortune, spend just a minute to \nremember how you got it.\u0026nbsp; You built that great business or your \nancestors did using workers that all of us helped pay to educate.\u0026nbsp; You \ngot your goods to market using roads and bridges that all of us helped \npay to build.\u0026nbsp; You are protected in your factories with firefighters and\n police officers that all of us helped to pay. \u003C\/blockquote\u003E\nPublic-good funding is an expression of the reality of common effort, both past and present. And, she\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cul\u003E\n\u003Cli\u003Estarts the negotiation with the \"whole ask\" --ask for everything, not a \"realistic\" 10%--to move the \"pragmatic center\" to the left. This is in contrast to the Clinton-Obama practice of triangulating between the two 40-yard lines.\u0026nbsp; Even conservative Democrats who hate Warren's \"socialism\" should love the strategy of moving the debate out of right field.\u003C\/li\u003E\n\u003C\/ul\u003E\nI won't detail Warren's plan, which has been widely discussed (\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.latimes.com\/business\/hiltzik\/la-fi-hiltzik-warren-student-debt-plan-20190426-story.html\"\u003EMichael Hiltzik's analysis \u003C\/a\u003Eis particularly good). Suffice to say, relief has salary caps, so is not a debt jubilee.\u0026nbsp; It cancels 40% of the total amount of debt, \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2019\/04\/26\/opinion\/elizabeth-warren-college-debt.html\"\u003Eaccording to David Leonhardt\u003C\/a\u003E, which I assume comes from excluding debts like $300,000 for medical training for an orthopedic surgeon who makes $900,000 a year.\u0026nbsp; It does provide for total student debt cancellation for 75% and some cancellation for 95% of student borrowers.\u0026nbsp; It also gives the most help to the lowest-income borrowers (I define \"most help\" differently from Brookings, below), to those most likely to default, and to those disadvantaged by a racialized \"debt geography\"--which has become a bit like \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2019\/04\/17\/magazine\/prison-abolition-ruth-wilson-gilmore.html\"\u003ERuth Wilson Gilmore's \"carceral geography.\"\u003C\/a\u003E\u0026nbsp; (See this month's excellent \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.frbsf.org\/community-development\/files\/student-loan-debt-in-the-bay-area.pdf\"\u003E\"Student Loan Debt in the Bay Area,\"\u003C\/a\u003E or \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.newyorkfed.org\/medialibrary\/media\/outreach-and-education\/community-development\/credit-conditions\/student-loan-borrowing-nyc-neighborhoods.pdf\"\u003E\"Student Loan Borrowing Across NYC Neighborhoods\"\u003C\/a\u003E (2017). \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nEach major plank (debt relief, debt-free future, de-subsidizing for-profit colleges, public endowment for Black and Minority-Serving Institutions) rests on an important principle the MSM ignores:\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cul\u003E\n\u003Cli\u003E\u003Cb\u003Ethe student debt boom is an unjust burden on recent college cohorts.\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/b\u003E A corollary is that the growth in student debt has reflected a politically-motivated wealth transfer from young to old, poorer to richer, less white to whiter. It can and should be reversed through the political process.\u003C\/li\u003E\n\u003Cli\u003E\u003Cb\u003Eto prevent future debt, the metric of tuition must be replaced with the metric of total cost of attendance.\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/b\u003E All policy and administrative defenses of high public university tuition have praised the way financial aid covers tuition costs for low income students.\u0026nbsp; I felt I needed to refute this claim in detail in \u003Ci\u003EThe Great Mistake\u003C\/i\u003E (Stage 5) because it was so widely believed.\u0026nbsp; Sara Goldrick-Rab and others have for years fought the same war of position against this view.\u0026nbsp; Warren may just have swept it away.\u003C\/li\u003E\n\u003Cli\u003E\u003Cb\u003Efederal education funds are for education, not for banks and investors.\u0026nbsp; \u003C\/b\u003EFor-profit colleges extract most of the funds they receive of the educational system.\u003C\/li\u003E\n\u003Cli\u003E\u003Cb\u003EIt is unjust that the colleges and universities that serve large numbers of students of color are poorer and less stable than others.\u003C\/b\u003E\u0026nbsp; This too is a political problem that can be fixed with politics.\u0026nbsp; Closing this gap is a key aspect of decolonizing the university. \u003C\/li\u003E\n\u003C\/ul\u003E\nWarren has come up with a policy that combines an economic stimulus with more rational human capital formation with increased social justice. You'd think Democrats would be thrilled. Many are not. \u0026nbsp; Most critics are saying one of the most progressive presidential candidates in U.S. history is not progressive on student debt. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nTo deal with these criticisms, it's worth keeping a few things in mind\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cb\u003E1. Warren's plan \u003Ci\u003Eis \u003C\/i\u003Eprogressive, \u003C\/b\u003Ein that the most help goes to the group having the hardest time paying off its student loans.\u0026nbsp; This contradicts the widely-recycled claim made by \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.brookings.edu\/blog\/up-front\/2019\/04\/24\/how-progressive-is-senator-elizabeth-warrens-loan-forgiveness-proposal\/\"\u003EAdam Looney at Brookings\u003C\/a\u003E. He called her plan \"regressive, expensive, and full of uncertainties,\" justifying the first of these charges with the calculation that the top 40 percent of earners by income get 66 percent of the forgiveness, and the bottom 20 percent get only 4 percent. But that's because lower-income graduates often came from lower income families, and went to cheaper (and also poorer and less effective) colleges for which they had to borrow less.\u0026nbsp; The skew in raw totals of loan forgiveness reflects the inequities of the current system.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nIn addition, Looney uses these raw totals to define \"most help.\" I would define \"most help\" in relative terms as progressive tax systems do--as relative to debt as a share of income, which affects who is most likely to default on their loan.\u0026nbsp; Since the average loan in default is about half the average loan balance \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.frbsf.org\/community-development\/files\/student-loan-debt-in-the-bay-area.pdf\"\u003E(p 28)\u003C\/a\u003E (yes, smaller balances are \u003Ci\u003Emore\u003C\/i\u003E likely to be in default), the smaller raw total of forgiveness for lower-income borrowers masks the very large help offered by the 100% forgiveness they receive.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cb\u003E2. Student debt is \u003Ci\u003Enot\u003C\/i\u003E like a loan for a house or stock purchase that reflects a rational investment in a future return.\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/b\u003E The Washington \u003Ci\u003EPost\u003C\/i\u003E instantly produced an \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.washingtonpost.com\/opinions\/elizabeth-warren-has-the-wrong-answer-to-americas-student-debt-problem\/2019\/04\/23\/a67f78e8-65e1-11e9-a1b6-b29b90efa879_story.html?utm_term=.541de21c458a\"\u003Eeditorial\u003C\/a\u003E rehearsing the private-good argument that a college degree earns a $1 million wage premium over a lifetime, so you can (and must) pay it back.\u0026nbsp; This consumer-loan analogy is incorrect. At least half of the total value of a college degree is either \"external\" to the person (because public), and\/or non-pecuniary, or both.\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp; \u003Ci\u003EPost\u003C\/i\u003E-style arguments reduce the non-private benefits to \"dark matter,\" in Walter McMahon's term, and cause them to be underfunded by the public.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nAnother big problem with the private-good argument involves the different costs people pay to get the same private pecuniary wage benefit from a college degree.\u0026nbsp; Graduate A went to a white suburban high school, had an SAT tutor and expensive extracurriculars, goes \nto a good college, needs no loans, and works for decades for her $1 million wage\n increment. Graduate B went to an underfunded, de facto segregated city \nschool, worked 20 hours a week through high school, amazingly goes to \nthe same college (and works 20 hours a week there), takes out $23,800 in loans, and then works for decades for the same $1 \nmillion wage increment. Their everyday lives and their financial \nfutures are quite different: Graduate B buys a house 14 years after \nGraduate A, etc. etc.\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp; There's no ethical justification for this difference.\u0026nbsp; But it is the standard market outcome.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThe point is this: you \u003Ci\u003Eeither\u003C\/i\u003E socialize the costs of a complicated individual-collective benefit like education, \u003Ci\u003Eor\u003C\/i\u003E you make the allocation unjust and inefficient.\u0026nbsp; There are difficulties with non-market allocations that need to be worked through, but this is the correct baseline for higher education, \u003Ci\u003Enot\u003C\/i\u003E allocation by (unevenly subsidized) ability to pay.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cb\u003E3. Poorer graduates \u003Ci\u003Edo\u003C\/i\u003E need debt relief.\u0026nbsp; \u003C\/b\u003EAnother group of Democrats is saying Warren doesn't need such a big plan. Several journalists cited an Urban Institute \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.urban.org\/urban-wire\/affluent-households-owe-most-student-debt\"\u003Epaper by Sandy Baum and Victoria Lee\u003C\/a\u003E that suggests low-income people don't owe too much money. Their second figure does link debt to income, and \u003Ci\u003Eundermines\u003C\/i\u003E the point that low-income people have little debt burden: \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEgoKUmBTFq5XqDFqfSFco0mQ4EnTNcL-X8Dp60HPNWWebV-F1jrD7quca2fDK7X7IhUdKf9cflfD1Hwm1eGB5dnxsmpUQmetHig3BNw9YDd_ec6kQL5DGX57CchbLb2wiVv1yDXPGtMj4A\/s1600\/StudentdebtSandyBlumUrbanInstitute2018.jpg\" imageanchor=\"1\" style=\"margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"556\" data-original-width=\"909\" height=\"242\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEgoKUmBTFq5XqDFqfSFco0mQ4EnTNcL-X8Dp60HPNWWebV-F1jrD7quca2fDK7X7IhUdKf9cflfD1Hwm1eGB5dnxsmpUQmetHig3BNw9YDd_ec6kQL5DGX57CchbLb2wiVv1yDXPGtMj4A\/s400\/StudentdebtSandyBlumUrbanInstitute2018.jpg\" width=\"400\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\nEven when you average debt across an income category, you actually see low, middle, and upper-middle income people having similar debt totals.\u0026nbsp; This doesn't really change until you get into the top 10 percent.\u0026nbsp; The bottom half of the population, roughly speaking, has average student debt equal to a year of household income. This is \u003Ci\u003Eafter \u003C\/i\u003Ethey've collected their wage premium for going to college.\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp; These are the people who are most likely to default,\u0026nbsp; often after many years of struggling to pay. Warren's plan directly addresses this issue.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n4. Student debt increases racial injustice.\u0026nbsp; For example, a \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.aauw.org\/research\/deeper-in-debt\/\"\u003E2018 study\u003C\/a\u003E by the American Association of University Women found that the group with the highest bachelor's degree loan balance was Black women (slides are \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.aauw.org\/resource\/presentation-deeper-in-debt\/\"\u003Ehere\u003C\/a\u003E).\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEhjqMNkmubK6ildIOXXIywPjp-2A__vjrI4pllPfPt4StrUegFRUMfAelP_YwzbRPTSlm-2unLumBAdHGqPMNcWo7RbvtvDIupXjTl8pEpyYzAADpUNXsjeXZbqri3LxZoRmWuf6XSazxA\/s1600\/LoanDebtStudentByRaceAAUW2018.png\" imageanchor=\"1\" style=\"margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"768\" data-original-width=\"1222\" height=\"251\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEhjqMNkmubK6ildIOXXIywPjp-2A__vjrI4pllPfPt4StrUegFRUMfAelP_YwzbRPTSlm-2unLumBAdHGqPMNcWo7RbvtvDIupXjTl8pEpyYzAADpUNXsjeXZbqri3LxZoRmWuf6XSazxA\/s400\/LoanDebtStudentByRaceAAUW2018.png\" width=\"400\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\nLink higher debt to wage disparities and its no surprise that Black women default at twice the average.\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp; There's no better way to start helping universities increase race- and gender equality than eliminating student debt.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nSen. Brian Schatz (D-HI) and other Democrats have already \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.insidehighered.com\/news\/2019\/03\/07\/schatz-reintroduces-debt-free-college-bill\"\u003Eproposed debt-free college legislation\u003C\/a\u003E, and Warren's plan will increase interest in these plans.\u0026nbsp; A lot of changes will be made, and in anticipation we should note the big kink: Warren's plan affects tuition while doing nothing about the other main source of public college revenues, state funding.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/washingtonmonthly.com\/2019\/04\/25\/what-elizabeth-warrens-free-college-plan-gets-wrong\/\"\u003EKevin Carey nails\u003C\/a\u003E a giant perversity: cheap states like Vermont will get more money per student to backfill high tuition, while states with better public funding and lower tuition will get less.\u0026nbsp; So Warren's plan rewards the states most likely to have screwed their students by shifting costs from tax funding to tuition.\u0026nbsp; Carey has an interesting fix for this.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThe wider issue is that Warren's plan addresses neither general underfunding among public colleges, nor the very bad inequalities of funding across research flagships, regional colleges, and community colleges.\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp; The prospect of a federal bailout is likely to suppress state effort even further.\u0026nbsp; The Warren plan could ease graduate financial hardship by making university hardship worse.\u0026nbsp; This is public universities's deepest fear about tuition reduction.\u0026nbsp; If Warren et al. don't address the revenue shortfall, especially in regional and community colleges, the sector will fight debt-free tooth and nail.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nOverall, Warren's plan is a breakthrough for public colleges and for Democrats. I hope universities will work on improving rather than blocking it."},"link":[{"rel":"replies","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/feeds\/2585165994973969797\/comments\/default","title":"Post Comments"},{"rel":"replies","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2019\/04\/why-elizabeth-warrens-free-college-plan.html#comment-form","title":"0 Comments"},{"rel":"edit","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/2585165994973969797"},{"rel":"self","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/2585165994973969797"},{"rel":"alternate","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2019\/04\/why-elizabeth-warrens-free-college-plan.html","title":"Why Elizabeth Warren's Free College Plan is So Important"}],"author":[{"name":{"$t":"Chris Newfield"},"uri":{"$t":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/profile\/01078395415386100872"},"email":{"$t":"noreply@blogger.com"},"gd$image":{"rel":"http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail","width":"16","height":"16","src":"https:\/\/img1.blogblog.com\/img\/b16-rounded.gif"}}],"media$thumbnail":{"xmlns$media":"http://search.yahoo.com/mrss/","url":"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEi880ZA7qNYJ7v3YGkqCJ98uD2-h8N5W7n5cJbwp7ulRDgvaiQNhg-QGLZ15KP_wdyJTUk5_Noce1yJ7EB2Styy9bL_L1GhVSG94Xmzr2nUeAlLGpUYQNLOjSQsOqoP2OeMVxigDnJ_KVQ\/s72-c\/Debt+Free+Zero+Hedge.jpg","height":"72","width":"72"},"thr$total":{"$t":"0"}},{"id":{"$t":"tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1170716682680204889.post-1880324394201239371"},"published":{"$t":"2019-04-22T14:26:00.004-07:00"},"updated":{"$t":"2019-07-17T07:25:51.666-07:00"},"category":[{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Admin Responses"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"guest post"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Protests"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Race"}],"title":{"type":"text","$t":"On Making and Managing Racial Crises: Reckoning with Trauma and Institutional Responsibility in Higher Education"},"content":{"type":"html","$t":"\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEhT2Snodnzsk61IA63fHAwKk-vPtIT_IEXnpVumwngu38dJFVFCl-2IaqByPSLk_jAeAkruhvQPjrcAemFJMm-PigYE4iNBEWVsD-idE6n7L85xg9sBRgZ6_YfBPybEg6-qjCwEP7_muFg\/s1600\/MIssou+Protest+2015.jpg\" imageanchor=\"1\" style=\"clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"605\" data-original-width=\"908\" height=\"213\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEhT2Snodnzsk61IA63fHAwKk-vPtIT_IEXnpVumwngu38dJFVFCl-2IaqByPSLk_jAeAkruhvQPjrcAemFJMm-PigYE4iNBEWVsD-idE6n7L85xg9sBRgZ6_YfBPybEg6-qjCwEP7_muFg\/s320\/MIssou+Protest+2015.jpg\" width=\"320\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Eby Gaurav Jashnani, Ed.M\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003ELicensed Mental Health Counselor\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EPhD Candidate in Critical Social\/Personality Psychology, CUNY Graduate Center\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Egjashnani@gradcenter.cuny.edu\u0026nbsp;\u003Ca href=\"mailto:gjashnani@gradcenter.cuny.edu\" style=\"-webkit-text-size-adjust: auto; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 12px; font-style: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: auto; word-spacing: 0px;\"\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E \u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003ECountless\neyes were on the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (UNC) this past\nfall, where \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/silencesam.com\/\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Estudents were organizing for racial justice\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E, particularly around the removal\nof the “Silent Sam” Confederate monument.\u0026nbsp; Black students and graduate-workers\nput their \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.newsobserver.com\/news\/local\/education\/article213187589.html\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Eacademic success and future careers\non the line\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E, \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/keepingitheel.com\/2018\/12\/14\/unc-basketball-football-players-sign-open-letter-denouncing-silent-sam\/\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Estudent-athletes\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E and \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2018\/12\/14\/sports\/silent-sam.html\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003ENBA-playing alumni\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E took public political stances, administrators\nand trustees seemed to \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/education\/archive\/2018\/12\/uncs-board-governors-punts-silent-sam\/578224\/\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Elack a viable long-term plan\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E, politicians and pundits inserted\nthemselves in ways that seemed \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.chronicle.com\/article\/Historians-Should-End-Silence\/245346\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Ethoughtless and geared to exacerbate\ncurrent tensions\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E –\nand then, in January, \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.chronicle.com\/article\/UNC-Chancellor-Steps-Down-and\/245472\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Ethings got really wild\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E, with the university’s chancellor\nsuddenly removing the base of the monument while also resigning from her post.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EThis is a\nfamiliar arc, one we saw even more sharply at \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.cnn.com\/2015\/11\/09\/us\/missouri-protest-timeline\/index.html\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Ethe University of Missouri (MU) in\n2015\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E, when \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/vimeo.com\/159844403\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EBlack\nstudent organizers\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E\n(in tandem with \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.columbiamissourian.com\/news\/local\/planned-parenthood-supporters-pack-speakers-circle-with-pink\/article_5764d3c6-670b-11e5-8514-9f0abf3440b4.html\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Ereproductive rights activists\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E and a \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.columbiamissourian.com\/news\/local\/graduate-students-to-stage-walkout-protest-unless-mu-meets-insurance\/article_988e1840-4694-11e5-97a0-7f715c3fac12.html\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Ebudding graduate student union\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E) pushed out the top two\nadministrators and overhauled the school’s approach to all things diversity,\nwith the help of the university’s Division I football team. (\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EPhoto credit \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.washingtonpost.com\/news\/grade-point\/wp\/2015\/11\/10\/they-got-the-u-missouri-system-president-and-chancellor-fired-now-they-have-more-demands\/?utm_term=.771aef8fd356\"\u003Eabove\u003C\/a\u003E: Jeff Roberson.) \u003C\/span\u003ESo, what’s the best\nway for UNC to proceed in a fraught situation, especially now as it faces a \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.washingtonpost.com\/education\/2018\/10\/26\/spellings-steps-down-unc-system-president\/?noredirect=on\u0026amp;utm_term=.a02a7a371935\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Eleadership vacuum\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E and a damaged reputation?\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003EEnter \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Ethe\nrecent \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.acenet.edu\/news-room\/Pages\/ACE-Research-Report-Explores-Lessons-Learned-from-University-of-Missouri-Crisis.aspx\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EAmerican Council on Education (ACE)\nreport\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E on how\ncampus leaders can \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003Ebuild capacity for diversity and\ninclusion\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E and\nsuccessfully manage moments of “racial crisis.” \u003Cspan style=\"mso-spacerun: yes;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/span\u003EI read it eagerly, on the chance that it might come to offer useful guidelines for future administrative\nresponses to perceived racial crises.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EWhile the\nreport examines the 2015 MU protests in an attempt to generate useful insights,\nit mostly puts forward meager responses that paper over the problem. As a\nclinician and social psychologist whose research focuses on institutional\nracism and higher education – including, presently, MU – I think it’s vital to\naddress some apparent misconceptions regarding trauma, racism and institutional\nresponsibility.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EAfter\nbriefly running through events at MU and their context, the bulk of the \u003Cspan class=\"msoIns\"\u003E\u003Cins cite=\"mailto:Microsoft%20Office%20User\" datetime=\"2019-04-15T21:30\"\u003EACE \u003C\/ins\u003E\u003C\/span\u003Ereport is focused on a “collective\ntrauma” framework, which the authors use to conceptualize both the problem of\nand solution to a racial crisis. Nowhere are key terms (e.g., trauma,\ncollective trauma, traumatic state) defined, and the only work on trauma cited\nin the report is \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.routledge.com\/Collective-Trauma-Collective-Healing-Promoting-Community-Resilience-in\/Saul\/p\/book\/9780415884174\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Ea book about clinical work with survivors\nof genocide, civil war and the 9\/11 attacks\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E. But the circumstances of this work – thousands being\nkilled in discrete moments of political violence – are quite distinct from the\nslow burn of long-term institutional racism and negligence, magnified by\nsocietal inequity and daily interpersonal degradations. Using the term\ncollective trauma to describe a range of disparate people, incidents and\nexperiences – without ever naming or discussing most of them – is confusing at\nbest, and most likely inaccurate and counter-productive.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EFurthermore,\nACE’s report places institutions that have harmed students in the position of\ndeciding who has been harmed, how\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003E, and what they need to recover, refocusing\nracial justice efforts on “emotional healing” without also centering equity and\naccountability.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003ESince\nthe problem is determined to be collective trauma, the answer is healing, and unspecified\ncampus leaders are the ones who must heal campus, using “active listening,”\n“speaking from the heart,” and “acting with” as their tools. We are told, for\nexample, that active listening can help others to “engage with difficult\nfeelings, gain perspective on the experience…find their own solutions, and\nbuild self-esteem and resilience.” But is a lack of self-esteem and resilience\nreally the core problem when facing the stark realities of campus racism? Why\nis gaining perspective prioritized while shifting policy goes unmentioned? Why\nchoose to tell this story by relying on trauma? Is that the best way in which\nto understand the callousness of the university administration’s lack of\nresponse to ongoing racial inequity and interpersonal violence? \u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003EA trauma-focused approach may center healing, support,\nconnection and healthcare resources for those harmed or targeted; one focused\non accountability might prioritize identifying the harm, who was responsible,\nmaking amends and shifting conditions to prevent future harm. Both together are\noften ideal, but when justice and institutional responsibility are nearly\nabsent, healing can become easy rhetoric that avoids harder conversations.\nAccountability for doing violence – and for colluding with it – should mean\nlosing positions of power, acknowledging wrongdoing, offering reparations,\nputting in the work to transform one’s actions and one’s understanding of the\nworld. Some of these are steps MU has taken, but they are steps ACE’s report\ndecenters in favor of decontextualized trauma therapy techniques. \u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003EWhen someone commits an act of violence, and someone else\ncolludes by refusing to take it seriously or even acknowledge it as a problem,\nwe shouldn’t suggest that either of these people talk like a therapist to the\nperson who was violated, as a means of moving forward. The authors have appropriated\ntools from a specific context, but the problem here is different, the stakes\nare different, and psychological responses are helpful but still insufficient\nfor structural violence. Prioritizing healing is important when people who have\nbeen harmed want it, but when the powerful use it to avoid examining and\ntransforming institutions, talk of healing can quickly become a weapon used to maintain\nthe status quo and sustain institutional violence.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003EOne widespread reality the report overlooks is that campus\nleadership generally plays an important role not merely in responding to\nstudent organizing, but in instigating it in the first place through systematic\nneglect, gross incompetence, misplaced priorities and a distinct lack of\nconcern for the learning and wellbeing of marginalized students.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E While the ACE report refers to a\nhistory or legacy of campus and societal racism, none of it make sense without\nunderstanding that racism has continued into the present. MU’s administration\nis portrayed only as reacting to racism outside their control, rather than having\nmade numerous choices – including many financial ones – that maintained or even\nexacerbated ongoing racism. \u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003ET\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003Ehis\ncrisis was not simply mismanaged by the administration but actively\nprecipitated by it.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E Administrators\nchose to ignore a constant barrage of racism that Black students faced, not to\nmention pervasive social segregation and disappointing graduation rates; even\nBlack student demands from 1968 were still waiting to be fulfilled. A single\nincident of interpersonal racist violence, or even several incidents, does not\ninherently become an institutional crisis. The reason that repeated moments of\nviolence escalated into a crisis – and forced the institution toward a turning\npoint – is much the same reason that \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/variety.com\/2018\/biz\/news\/tarana-burke-times-up-me-too-backlash-1202748822\/\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Erepeated moments of violence\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E became a crisis for \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/arts-entertainment\/films\/features\/hollywood-me-too-movement-one-year-on-netflix-amazon-money-a8646306.html\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EHollywood\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E (and \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/sport\/2018\/dec\/05\/usa-gymnastics-files-for-bankruptcy-in-wake-of-larry-nassar-scandal\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EUSA Gymnastics\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E, and the \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.cnn.com\/2019\/01\/11\/us\/catholic-gallup-survey\/index.html\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003ECatholic Church\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E): key players consciously decided\nthat it was not worth responding, \u003Ci\u003Edespite knowing that severe violence was\npervasive and ongoing over many years\u003C\/i\u003E. Each of these institutions weighed\nthe scales and chose collusion over conviction.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EIn other\nwords, what the report identifies as limited capacity to deal with diversity\nand inclusion issues is not only result of bad planning, but racism – an active\ninstitutional investment in white supremacy, until said investment disturbs in-flows\nof capital and business as usual. Given the previous absence of commitment to or\neven interest in racial equity\u003Cspan class=\"msoIns\"\u003E\u003Cins cite=\"mailto:Microsoft%20Office%20User\" datetime=\"2019-04-16T11:58\"\u003E \u003C\/ins\u003E\u003C\/span\u003Eon\nthe part of the administration, one of the report’s major failures is its\napparent premise that alleviating the racial crisis hinges more on managing\nperceptions and emotions than fostering long-term equity or success for all\nmarginalized students.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EEmotions\nare important and often overlooked, but they are, in this case, symptoms and\nresults of a structural problem. Any map forward must stress that attending to the\nemotional climate should happen in tandem with not only strategic planning and\n“building capacity for diversity” but also specific changes in policy,\npractices and personnel, \u003Ci style=\"mso-bidi-font-style: normal;\"\u003Eand shifting\nfinancial and political priorities including the allocation of resources\u003C\/i\u003E. (MU\nhas done some of this, too, but you’d be forgiven for missing that from the\nreport.) \u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EAs an example,\nthe report endorses “offering small tokens of appreciation” such as notes and\ngifts to faculty and staff who take on extra racial justice and support work.\nWhy not instead pay people for their time, offer course leave, bonuses and\npromotions, credit for students? Institutions can offer not only recognition,\nbut material compensation for work deemed necessary for the campus to function,\nwhich – as the report notes – falls disproportionately upon Black women and\nother people of color. Reparations and other concrete forms of accountability\ncan, in fact, be an integral part of emotional and psychological healing from\nhistorical and institutional violence – just ask \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/amp.theguardian.com\/world\/2019\/apr\/15\/georgetown-students-reparations-vote-slaves-sold-by-university\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Estudents at Georgetown\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E, who last week voted to institute\na long-term reparations “fee” as part of their tuition payments. \u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EHowever,\nwithout acknowledging the painful and complex realities of ongoing and systemic\nracism, intertwined with the everyday functioning of the institution, the\nnature of the problem remains obscure.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003E The real objects of concern – set\nupon by student organizers, politicized athletes and other supporters, defended\nby trustees, politicians and administrators – disappear: the de facto racist\ninstitutional policies and practices that result in structural violence, and\nthe myriad interpersonal degradations that make up minoritized life. The\nviolence of the institution, its students, staff, faculty, security, policies,\nprocedures, practices; its passive and active refusal to affirm Black life and\nlearning; the choices the institution has made from its origins in slave labor,\nonward through 200 years of white supremacist institutional maintenance; all of\nthis violence, all of these decisions, all of the moments of choosing white\nsupremacy over and over again risk erasure in this framework.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003ETrauma,\nthe ostensible heart of the report’s analysis, suffers from a similar lack of\nclarity, as neither the traumatic event repeatedly referred to nor the part of\ncampus allegedly traumatized are ever identified. The collective trauma at hand\nis not explicitly attributed to Black or marginalized students, but that is the\nclear implication: victims and witnesses of racism are “angry,” student\norganizers are “distrustful,” people of color and especially Black women suffer\nfrom “racial battle fatigue,” and so on. Campus leaders should “reach out to\nfaculty, staff, and students of color” as those experiencing “particularly\nacute trauma.” \u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003EWhile Black students should be at the center of any story\nabout MU that purports to identify the “work that moved the community forward\nin a time of vulnerability,” these students are largely transformed here from\nagents of racial justice to largely unnamed victims. Trauma is distorted to\nproduce out of control, irrational Black students (as well as staff and\nfaculty) who \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Ethe\nadministration needs to heal before their “traumatic state” proves an obstacle\nto improving the campus climate. \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003EIn this telling, Black students too\neasily become a traumatized impediment to racial progress, rather than the\nprimary people working to advance that goal.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EOne step\ntoward rectifying this dangerous misperception is grasping that a significant\npart of those at MU who displayed fear, anger and distrust (the trauma-related\nemotions highlighted in the report) were white. The university’s most recent \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/diversity.missouri.edu\/our-work\/campus-climate-survey\/2016-campus-climate-survey\/\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Ecampus climate report\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E, based on data gathered in 2016 – immediately\nafter the widely publicized student organizing, and at the same time as the interviews\nthat were part of the ACE report – found that nearly 40% more white than Black people\n(in total numbers) reported experiencing “exclusionary, intimidating, offensive\nand hostile” behaviors as a result of “ethnicity.” While a greater percentage of\nBlack people described these kinds of experiences (as we would expect), this\nreport details numerous white members of the university community feeling\nharassed or intimidated by the sheer fact of Black organizing, and particularly\nby on-campus mobilizations for racial justice and related ends: \u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst\" style=\"mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;symbol\u0026quot;; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"mso-list: Ignore;\"\u003E·\u003Cspan style=\"font: 7.0pt \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\n\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan dir=\"LTR\"\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E“I have been targeted by racial protesters like Black\nLives Matter.”\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle\" style=\"mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;symbol\u0026quot;; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"mso-list: Ignore;\"\u003E·\u003Cspan style=\"font: 7.0pt \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\n\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan dir=\"LTR\"\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E“I didn't feel safe in my community because I was a\nGreek white student.\" \u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle\" style=\"mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;symbol\u0026quot;; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"mso-list: Ignore;\"\u003E·\u003Cspan style=\"font: 7.0pt \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\n\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan dir=\"LTR\"\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E“The demonstration on campus…made [me] feel personally\nthreatened, threatened my family, and my family income.” \u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoListParagraphCxSpLast\" style=\"mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;symbol\u0026quot;; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"mso-list: Ignore;\"\u003E·\u003Cspan style=\"font: 7.0pt \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003E\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\n\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan dir=\"LTR\"\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E“I felt like I was racially profiled as racist because\nI am white.”\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EAnd while first-hand\nexperiences of exclusionary behavior due to “racial identity” are not broken\ndown in the report, observations of such behavior were reported by nine times\nas many white people as Black – nearly one-third of all white respondents. These\nsurvey respondents labeled racial justice demonstrations as “bullying,”\n“racist” “unsettling,” and of a “violent nature,” and described them as \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003E“[a]n\nattack on the entire University.” \u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003EWhile feeling unsafe and viewing non-violent marches or\ndemonstrations as violent may be genuine expressions of belief or emotion, they\ndo not correlate with any documented reality of violence against white people\nat MU. \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EThe very idea\nthat white people could perceive themselves to be the victims of greater racial\nhostility than Black people at a university struggling with anti-Black racism\nmay seem hard to understand, but it isn’t. White people can experience racial\nreality (i.e., frank assertions of current injustice and needed movement toward\njustice) as hostile, unsettling or overwhelming – this is the underlying basis\nof recently popularized terms like \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2019\/feb\/16\/white-fragility-racism-interview-robin-diangelo\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Ewhite fragility\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E, and this is much of the “trauma”\nto be found after racial justice organizing, at least at MU. Put differently, clear\nimprovements in the campus racial climate for students of color may be perceived\nas a decline in quality, and safety – with acute emotional and psychological\nconsequences – for a subset of predominantly white students who perceive a loss\nof status in the decreased acceptability of racism, as well as for white alumni,\nparents of prospective students, and other institutional stakeholders. Confronting\na loss of structural privilege can be overwhelming for white people, and while\nI wouldn’t suggest they need trauma therapy, it’s foolish to ignore both the difficult\nemotions these people experience as a result of institutional shifts and the \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.newsobserver.com\/news\/local\/article224561590.html\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Econsequences\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.kansascity.com\/news\/local\/crime\/article44216625.html\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Ethey inflict on others\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: \u0026quot;Times New Roman\u0026quot;;\"\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EAt UNC, as\nwas the case at MU, marginalized students don’t need help from administrators\nto gain perspective, and they have repeatedly found \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2018\/08\/21\/us\/unc-silent-sam-monument-toppled.html\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Etheir own\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.insidehighered.com\/news\/2018\/12\/10\/unc-teaching-assistants-go-strike-over-confederate-monument\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Esolutions\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E. Balancing the calls of student\norganizers with the demands of other stakeholders, particularly at a public\nuniversity in \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/www.hup.harvard.edu\/catalog.php?isbn=9780674060364\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Eneoliberal times\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E, is tricky at best; the racial\ncrisis is primarily a crisis for the administration, who is made vulnerable (to\nreal accountability) by student organizing. However, as UNC determines how to\nproceed, trauma sensitivity alone won’t accomplish what the university needs.\nThat requires acknowledging the racism that led to Silent Sam \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/kristinakillgrove\/2018\/08\/22\/scholars-explain-the-racist-history-of-uncs-silent-sam-statue\/#7333b2ac114f\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Ebeing mounted in the first place\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E, and to \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.theroot.com\/confederate-statue-silent-sam-could-return-to-unc-chape-1830916725\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Ebeing kept up for over a century\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E, as well as \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.thedemands.org\/\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Emaking\nup for lost time\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E when\nit comes to racial equity and following the lead of marginalized students. To\nbe effective in the long-term, responses to racial crises require institutional\ntransformation at the levels of policy, procedure, curriculum, hiring,\nadmissions, financial aid, institutional history, \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.wiley.com\/en-us\/Critical+Pedagogy+and+Race-p-9781405129688\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Eracial pedagogy\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E and strategic planning, as well as\nemotional and psychological support. \u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"MsoNormal\"\u003E\n\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EAn MU alum\nand Black activist with whom I recently spoke named \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/munews.missouri.edu\/news-releases\/2017\/0824-land-grant-compact-will-provide-access-to-missouri-residents\/\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Ethe university’s dramatic expansion\nof Pell Grant funding for lower-income students\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E – to cover all tuition and fees –\nas perhaps the most important victory to come from recent years of organizing. A\ndescendent of MU’s founder has created a “\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/munews.missouri.edu\/news-releases\/2008\/0123-slavery-endowment.php\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003ESlavery Atonement Endowment\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E” for Black Studies students, while\na “\u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/committees.missouri.edu\/history-working-group\/\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003EHistory Working Group\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E” has been established to reckon\nwith the institution’s financial basis in slavery and its profits. Meanwhile, organizing\nfor reparations at Georgetown may set a national precedent for \u003C\/span\u003E\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2013\/10\/19\/books\/ebony-and-ivy-about-how-slavery-helped-universities-grow.html\"\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003Ethe many US universities that\nflourished financially through the violent subjugation of African people\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cspan style=\"font-family: \u0026quot;times new roman\u0026quot; , serif;\"\u003E. The goal of an institution should\nnot be managing unrest but moving toward justice in ways that address and\naccount for long histories of injustice – removing monuments to white supremacy\nis only a first step toward materially restructuring higher education and its\npriorities.\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cstyle\u003E\n\u003C!--\n \/* Font Definitions *\/\n @font-face\n {font-family:Wingdings;\n panose-1:5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0;\n mso-font-charset:2;\n mso-generic-font-family:decorative;\n mso-font-pitch:variable;\n mso-font-signature:0 268435456 0 0 -2147483648 0;}\n@font-face\n {font-family:\"Cambria Math\";\n panose-1:2 4 5 3 5 4 6 3 2 4;\n mso-font-charset:0;\n mso-generic-font-family:roman;\n mso-font-pitch:variable;\n mso-font-signature:3 0 0 0 1 0;}\n@font-face\n {font-family:Calibri;\n panose-1:2 15 5 2 2 2 4 3 2 4;\n mso-font-charset:0;\n mso-generic-font-family:swiss;\n mso-font-pitch:variable;\n mso-font-signature:-536859905 -1073697537 9 0 511 0;}\n \/* Style 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font-family:Symbol;}\n@list l0:level8\n {mso-level-number-format:bullet;\n mso-level-text:o;\n mso-level-tab-stop:none;\n mso-level-number-position:left;\n text-indent:-.25in;\n font-family:\"Courier New\";}\n@list l0:level9\n {mso-level-number-format:bullet;\n mso-level-text:;\n mso-level-tab-stop:none;\n mso-level-number-position:left;\n text-indent:-.25in;\n font-family:Wingdings;}\nol\n {margin-bottom:0in;}\nul\n {margin-bottom:0in;}\n\u003C\/style\u003E\n\n--\u0026gt;"},"link":[{"rel":"replies","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/feeds\/1880324394201239371\/comments\/default","title":"Post Comments"},{"rel":"replies","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2019\/04\/on-making-and-managing-racial-crises.html#comment-form","title":"0 Comments"},{"rel":"edit","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/1880324394201239371"},{"rel":"self","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/1880324394201239371"},{"rel":"alternate","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2019\/04\/on-making-and-managing-racial-crises.html","title":"On Making and Managing Racial Crises: Reckoning with Trauma and Institutional Responsibility in Higher Education"}],"author":[{"name":{"$t":"Chris Newfield"},"uri":{"$t":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/profile\/01078395415386100872"},"email":{"$t":"noreply@blogger.com"},"gd$image":{"rel":"http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail","width":"16","height":"16","src":"https:\/\/img1.blogblog.com\/img\/b16-rounded.gif"}}],"media$thumbnail":{"xmlns$media":"http://search.yahoo.com/mrss/","url":"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEhT2Snodnzsk61IA63fHAwKk-vPtIT_IEXnpVumwngu38dJFVFCl-2IaqByPSLk_jAeAkruhvQPjrcAemFJMm-PigYE4iNBEWVsD-idE6n7L85xg9sBRgZ6_YfBPybEg6-qjCwEP7_muFg\/s72-c\/MIssou+Protest+2015.jpg","height":"72","width":"72"},"thr$total":{"$t":"0"}},{"id":{"$t":"tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1170716682680204889.post-6535188721638737127"},"published":{"$t":"2019-03-23T17:27:00.003-07:00"},"updated":{"$t":"2019-03-23T17:27:53.492-07:00"},"category":[{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Admissions"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"democratic university"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Neoliberalism"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Race"}],"title":{"type":"text","$t":"Bleeding Meritocracy: Responding to the Admissions Scandal as Outrage Fades"},"content":{"type":"html","$t":"\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEi5ARXDlM0ypOgNDJ_fNZuu5IoIQdOCFE_i1Dnw1Sq1lpCRSyLjAJp88K2OJkIoiwiwKsXXml5uGxdbYxqiqu8a_bJlKrdWxmjN6x72jd_i-1up0X2vGW42NFBDJkeGEjFWqGZl9Dm4Iao\/s1600\/Operation+Varsity+Blues+Photoshop.png\" imageanchor=\"1\" style=\"clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"450\" data-original-width=\"570\" height=\"253\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEi5ARXDlM0ypOgNDJ_fNZuu5IoIQdOCFE_i1Dnw1Sq1lpCRSyLjAJp88K2OJkIoiwiwKsXXml5uGxdbYxqiqu8a_bJlKrdWxmjN6x72jd_i-1up0X2vGW42NFBDJkeGEjFWqGZl9Dm4Iao\/s320\/Operation+Varsity+Blues+Photoshop.png\" width=\"320\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\nAs it enters week 3, the promising new series \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.documentcloud.org\/documents\/5766567-Operation-Varsity-Blues-Complete.html\"\u003EOperation Varsity Blues\u003C\/a\u003E is running out of gas. The story of wealthy white folks bribing their kids’ way into college debuted to huge numbers.  But the writers are losing the story line, so it might help to make at least two root causes explicit.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThe series has been a blast – it offered the pleasure of seeing rich crooks getting caught looking stupid, in this case by bribing their privileged kids into privileged colleges with dumbbell plans. $50,000 bought strategy like the \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.cbsnews.com\/news\/operation-varsity-blues-every-charge-and-accusation-facing-the-parents-in-the-college-admissions-scandal\/\"\u003Efake water polo star\u003C\/a\u003E above.  Scam maestro William Singer went with this strategy more than once: “I’ll photoshop his face on a kicker,” he said to William McGlashan, the impact fund manager, Friend of Bono, and backer of gig-economy paragons Uber and Spotify, while wired by the FBI, referring to the face of McGlashan's son, suggesting that such a picture would convince the USC football empire that the son played football.  That pious bully, the College Board, turned out to have proctors on the take. Early reviews called the FBI’s 200 page script a probing look into the way we live now, one worthy if not of Dickens then Tom Wolfe or the David E. Kelley of Big Little Lies.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThere was also widespread rage at American plutocracy.  Most people are pissed at institutions that were to make society fairer and now do the opposite. Universities are on that list. 50 years after the passage of the Voting Rights Act, racial inequality is pervasive and deep, and all levels of schooling reflect this through resegregation and racially disparate outcomes at all levels.\n\nNeoliberal economic policy, a duet sung by both major parties, has reversed the limited economic equality that emerged from the Cold War project of showing off a large, white middle class.  For forty years, the country’s big national project has been to strengthen business by weakening the public systems that, though flawed, are to allocate roughly similar resources to everyone.  Equality stopped being a goal, and a pathetic symptom is the assumption that getting into UCLA will protect your life while going to UC Irvine will not.  The previous theory was that there should be no quality cliff as you moved from district or campus to another, and the population could stop spending every day jockeying for position, since most of the positions would be good.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nMeritocracy not only didn’t keep plutocracy from happening: it collaborated with it.  It was supposed to signal reward for effort and accomplishment (more than for innate “ability”). But it became another system to be gamed.  Proof of its decline in public opinion is that every commentator in scandal week 1 claimed that admissions scams were not the exception but the rule. The instant New York Times editorial was sarcastically entitled, \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2019\/03\/12\/opinion\/editorials\/college-bribery-scandal-admissions.html\"\u003E“Turns Out There’s a Proper Way to Buy Your Kid a College Slot.”\u003C\/a\u003E  In other words, “until yesterday, we thought there were no limits to the power of money over universities.” It wasn’t only that Singer’s scams proved again that\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/culture\/cultural-comment\/the-college-admissions-scandal-and-the-banality-of-scamming\"\u003E the needs and insecurities of rich people define American culture and society today.\u003C\/a\u003E  Even elite outlets agreed that private wealth doesn’t violate meritocracy because meritocracy is structured to serve private wealth.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nAs Operation Varsity Blues made white privilege index a rotten democracy, the governor of California was asked on a Sunday talk show about the admissions bribery changes \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.latimes.com\/politics\/la-pol-ca-governor-gavin-newsom-college-scandal-bribery-20190315-story.html\"\u003E\"What about the legal bribery that exists in higher education?\"\u003C\/a\u003E he replied.  “What about the folks writing the $20-million dollar check, putting their name on that building? Connect the dots to the folks they quietly called for admission, or wrote a letter of recommendation.”\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nWhat about the legal bribery?  I’m glad Newsom mentioned it, since that gets to the first root cause—long-term shortages of non-private ed money that have restructured public universities.  Since he has long sat on the Board of Regents of the University of California, he knows perfectly well that “legal bribery” is “philanthropy,” and philanthropy is a cornerstone of the strategy of \"multiple revenue streams,\" and that in turn is a response to repeated public funding cuts (which used to be eased by eager tuition increases, but never mind that for the moment).  UC started obsessing about fundraising in the wake of the 1992-95 state cuts, and began to show the Board of Regents fundraising growth charts in the mid-1990s.  Every campus has its own large development operation and some kind of endowment campaign.  Fundraising duties have been pushed down to deans and department chairs and even individual faculty.  Fundraising has also changed the culture of public universities, shifting affective relations toward research while empowering departments and people with market and donor potential over basic research or teaching people and departments.  Fundraising has strengthened the pecuniary dimensions of higher ed overall, which distorts public understanding of its total effects.  Fundraising's virtues are articles of faith—no one can rise in academic administration without pledging tacit allegiance to continuous fundraising. One need not be a philanthropy abolitionist to marvel at the lack of public discussion of philanthropy's effects, which was nonexistent until \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.insidehighered.com\/news\/2015\/06\/05\/400-million-gift-harvard-sets-debate-about-philanthropy-wealthy-institutions\"\u003Ea hedge fund titan gave $400 million to Harvard in 2015\u003C\/a\u003E.  OVB is another milestone, but it remains to be seen whether colleges will examine philanthropy's vices, which include increasing exactly the inequality within and between universities that the OVB outrage denounced (\u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2016\/02\/the-new-normal-isnt-normal-it-erodes.html\"\u003Ean example\u003C\/a\u003E).  There is certainly research that could be pondered: mine has focused on fundraising's leveraging of public resources and its insufficiency at a public scale; Anand Giridharadas's widely noted work, in \u003Ci\u003EWinners Take All\u003C\/i\u003E and \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.democracynow.org\/2019\/3\/15\/anand_giridharadas_college_bribery_scandal_highlights\"\u003Eelsewhere\u003C\/a\u003E, describes it as a straightforward tool of tax avoidance and political control.  These problems are easily described, and yet university leaders still feel they have no choice—they must show unflinching loyalty to the practice if only because, in public universities, they are constantly, permanently short of money.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nNow that he is governor, Newsom could in fact downsize legal bribery, precisely by rebuilding public funding. It would take a few annual state funding increases of 15-20 percent.  How serious is he about shrinking fundraising until he can drown it in the bathtub?  He was upset, but that will pass.  Proposals need to come from universities.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nIronically, private colleges have seen their financial models weakened by the philanthropy they depend on. OVB broke in the wake of the biggest previous national higher ed story, which was the mindboggling news that the governing board and president of renowned \u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2019\/03\/the-case-of-hampshire-college-or-why.html\"\u003EHampshire College were trying to put the college up for sale\u003C\/a\u003E.  The most likely source of their panic was that an anniversary capital campaign hadn’t been going well.  Why would that lead to bankruptcy? Because like all private college boards, Hampshire’s could not see a solvency strategy that didn’t involve philanthropy.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThis is why Macalester College president Brian C. Rosenberg wrote, \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.chronicle.com\/article\/The-Only-Surprise-in-the\/245882?cid=pm\u0026amp;utm_source=pm\u0026amp;utm_medium=en\u0026amp;cid=pm\"\u003E“The Only Surprising Thing in the Admissions Scandal is that Anyone is Surprised.\"\u003C\/a\u003E\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cblockquote class=\"tr_bq\"\u003E\nI see nothing wrong with soliciting wealthy parents after their children have been fairly admitted. I do it with some regularity and with no sense of guilt. Most colleges, moreover, are \"need aware\" in admissions, making it more likely that an applicant coming from wealth will gain admission to more colleges than one without means. \u003C\/blockquote\u003E\n\u003Cblockquote class=\"tr_bq\"\u003E\nWhat is maddening, though, is that the colleges most likely to be given large gifts in return for an offer of admission are the ones that are most prestigious, selective, and wealthy — in other words, the ones that need the money least. I would actually be pretty sympathetic if a struggling college were tempted by such an offer, but those offers tend not to be forthcoming.\u003C\/blockquote\u003E\nTuition has hit a ceiling for all but the superbrands, so if fundraising isn’t working, the model says sell off, shut down. And they are: \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.educationdive.com\/news\/how-many-colleges-and-universities-have-closed-since-2016\/539379\/\"\u003Eat least 22 liberal arts college have closed\u003C\/a\u003E since 2016.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThe second root cause of OVB is that college admissions is a conceptual mess. It has two separate projects—supporting racial and economic democracy on the one hand, and forming a master class on the other.  The latter, since Jefferson, Adams, and Emerson, has meant finding a “natural aristocracy.” For all our discussion of diversity, we're only slightly less essentialist about ability than our ancient forebears.  To identify the greatest talents, we are supposed to use standardized tests and grades. \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2019\/03\/16\/opinion\/sunday\/the-scandals-of-meritocracy.html\"\u003ERoss Douthat’s recent attempt to question meritocracy\u003C\/a\u003E still equates test scores with academic merit.  The SAT and ACT have been repeatedly debunked as a racial and political project of highly restricted validity and that has traditionally sought to measure a probably nonexistent entity (general aptitude and\/or context-free achievement) (\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Big-Test-History-American-Meritocracy\/dp\/0374527512\"\u003ELemann\u003C\/a\u003E, \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Case-Against-Standardized-Testing-Raising\/dp\/0325003254\/ref=pd_all_spx_1\/145-0311213-5253226?_encoding=UTF8\u0026amp;pd_rd_i=0325003254\u0026amp;pd_rd_r=8bcbec90-4c9b-11e9-81ea-71d290bf4808\u0026amp;pd_rd_w=Wbunr\u0026amp;pd_rd_wg=YoxWo\u0026amp;pf_rd_p=181658a1-8c8b-49ea-9a7c-d3e4ca5d6a8c\u0026amp;pf_rd_r=3DQ1DFBP4ZAZZG5TGBFJ\u0026amp;psc=1\u0026amp;refRID=3DQ1DFBP4ZAZZG5TGBFJ\"\u003EKohn\u003C\/a\u003E, \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Tyranny-Meritocracy-Democratizing-Education-America\/dp\/0807078123\/ref=sr_1_1?keywords=lani+guinier\u0026amp;qid=1553256846\u0026amp;s=books\u0026amp;sr=1-1\"\u003EGuinier\u003C\/a\u003E, \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/cshe.berkeley.edu\/publications\/berkeley-versus-sat-regent-chancellor-and-debate-value-standardized-testing-admissions\"\u003EDouglass\u003C\/a\u003E, etc.). And yet standardized tests are still widely treated as though they captured natural ability.  All attacks on race-based affirmative action invoke standardized tests as the gold standard of measurable achievement.  And as \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Chosen-Admission-Exclusion-Princeton-2005-10-26\/dp\/B012TWRTZA\/ref=sr_1_3?keywords=karabel+jermome\u0026amp;qid=1553386328\u0026amp;s=gateway\u0026amp;sr=8-3-spell\"\u003EJerome Karabel\u003C\/a\u003E and others have shown, holistic admissions has a history of reflecting the university's anti-semitic and racist biases, against which test scores seemed the main countermeasure.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nAdmissions continues to use exams that people don’t trust but are intimidated by, and at the same time, acknowledges their badness with incompatible gold standard #2 - this same holistic admissions.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nIn the 1978 Bakke case, involving a white plaintiff who sued UC Davis's medical school on the grounds that race-based affirmative action had wrongly trumped his color-blind merit, Justice Lewis Powell saved a reduced version of affirmative action by invoking Harvard's \"holistic\" admissions practices.  These used race only as a “plus factor” –not as a claim to compensation for past or present discrimination—and threw in a bunch of other stuff, including sports and family ties to the college. It seems very nuanced and humanistic, since it cares about the whole person and not mainly test results. It always looks better than the test-score absolutists. That’s before you look at it too closely.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nWe did get a closer look at Harvard’s practice last fall, when a suit brought by anti-affirmative action zealot Edward Blum against Harvard went to trial.  His group, Students for Fair Admissions, argued that Asian Americans were being rejected in favor of preferred minorities by being given a lower “personal rating” than are other groups. I have always been a strong supporter of affirmative action and think that Blum’s position is racist (all hardships can be introduced in admissions except race-based ones) and irresponsible (\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.washingtonpost.com\/news\/magazine\/wp\/2019\/03\/18\/feature\/does-affirmative-action-help-or-hurt-asians-who-dont-fit-the-model-minority-stereotype\/?utm_term=.2c99b04f989c\"\u003E“He said he couldn’t comment\u003C\/a\u003E on exactly what barring admissions officials from considering race would mean for applicants — that is, whether it would bar them from mentioning their race in applications”).  But Harvard’s admissions people had a hard time explaining how they defined the factors they used on top of academic achievement—athletics, extracurricular, personal, overall—or how they interacted.  The attitude about their careful sifting of a “wealth of information” was weakened by reports that application files at elite colleges may not get more than \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.wsj.com\/articles\/some-elite-colleges-review-an-application-in-8-minutes-or-less-1517400001\"\u003Eeight minutes of a reader’s time\u003C\/a\u003E, and by the basic fact that a committee of 40 people is reading 40,000 applications\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/int.nyt.com\/data\/documenthelper\/42-harvards-memo-for-summary-judgment-6-15-\/1a7a4880cb6a662b3b51\/optimized\/full.pdf#page=1\"\u003E (p 3, p 7)\u003C\/a\u003E.  Harvard's witnesses didn’t really explain why Asian Americans do get lower personality scores, or the problems flagged by their own previous investigation (\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/int.nyt.com\/data\/documenthelper\/43-sffa-memo-for-summary-judgement\/1a7a4880cb6a662b3b51\/optimized\/full.pdf#page=1\"\u003Eplaintiff’s analysis pp 11-20\u003C\/a\u003E).\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nIn my reading, Harvard won the narrow question: they are compliant with Grutter and related decisions by staying “flexible enough to ensure that each applicant is evaluated as an individual and not in a way that makes an applicant’s race or ethnicity the defining feature of his or her application” \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/int.nyt.com\/data\/documenthelper\/42-harvards-memo-for-summary-judgment-6-15-\/1a7a4880cb6a662b3b51\/optimized\/full.pdf#page=1\"\u003E(p 24).\u003C\/a\u003E But Harvard ignored the broader question, which is precisely whether all this flexibility in choosing is legitimate in the first place.  Hostility to race as a criterion is the venerable right-wing issue, and \u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/www.pewresearch.org\/fact-tank\/2019\/02\/25\/most-americans-say-colleges-should-not-consider-race-or-ethnicity-in-admissions\/\"\u003E4\/5ths of whites continue to oppose it\u003C\/a\u003E.  The related issue under plutocracy, for a broad slice of the public, is whether elite preferences are really better than invalid standardized tests.  During their trial, Harvard made holistic admissions look like a secret formula that elites use to come up with whatever kind of class they want—which is always the class that will keep Harvard on top.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nNeither test-based nor holistic admissions is convincing.  Each needs the other—many people pointed out that test scores helped Jews overcome earlier admissions bias, as they help Chinese Americans now.  And yet their mash up is internally contradictory, has confused everybody for decades, and aggravated white racial backlash.  The results also aren’t great: elective admissions has had 50 years to fix racial disparities and it has not.  With a more diverse student body than ever, selectivity has only managed to increase rates of rejection at the most selective schools while increasing inequality in the overall system.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nWhat are we supposed to do about OVB’s root causes? Nicholas Lemann is right that the \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/news\/daily-comment\/want-to-fix-college-admissions-arent-the-biggest-problem?cid=db\"\u003Esolution is not reforming admissions\u003C\/a\u003E, and \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/education\/archive\/2019\/03\/real-college-bribery-scandal-whats-legal\/585298\/\"\u003Eso is Ian Bogost that it's \"pathetic\" to be reverting to the admissions status quo.\u003C\/a\u003E It's crucial not to let the superbrands orbit their own planet while controlling the definitions of intelligence (test scores), merit (you’re one of us), and the value of college (pecuniary gain, social mobility) on ours.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u0026nbsp;Lemann writes, \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.pewresearch.org\/fact-tank\/2019\/02\/25\/most-americans-say-colleges-should-not-consider-race-or-ethnicity-in-admissions\/\"\u003E“a recent Pew survey\u003C\/a\u003E showed that the only admissions criterion that gets majority support from the public is grades, and there are far more students with perfect transcripts than there are places in the most selective colleges, so that won’t work.”\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nHere I don't agree.  What will work is growing the system so there are enough really good seats for all the perfect transcripts, and the other transcripts as well.  The point would be to replace selectivity with scale, and today's highly unequal with generally equivalent quality.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nTo do that, the white middle and upper classes will need to reverse their entire Reagan-era private welfare strategy—tax cuts, public cuts, austerity, private school, restricted public quality, selectivity, fixation on monetary outcomes, and dependence on prestige. Undoing this culture will mean moving a lot of private money back into the public realm.  And it would make America smart again.\n\n"},"link":[{"rel":"replies","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/feeds\/6535188721638737127\/comments\/default","title":"Post Comments"},{"rel":"replies","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2019\/03\/bleeding-meritocracy-responding-to.html#comment-form","title":"0 Comments"},{"rel":"edit","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/6535188721638737127"},{"rel":"self","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/6535188721638737127"},{"rel":"alternate","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2019\/03\/bleeding-meritocracy-responding-to.html","title":"Bleeding Meritocracy: Responding to the Admissions Scandal as Outrage Fades"}],"author":[{"name":{"$t":"Chris Newfield"},"uri":{"$t":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/profile\/01078395415386100872"},"email":{"$t":"noreply@blogger.com"},"gd$image":{"rel":"http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail","width":"16","height":"16","src":"https:\/\/img1.blogblog.com\/img\/b16-rounded.gif"}}],"media$thumbnail":{"xmlns$media":"http://search.yahoo.com/mrss/","url":"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEi5ARXDlM0ypOgNDJ_fNZuu5IoIQdOCFE_i1Dnw1Sq1lpCRSyLjAJp88K2OJkIoiwiwKsXXml5uGxdbYxqiqu8a_bJlKrdWxmjN6x72jd_i-1up0X2vGW42NFBDJkeGEjFWqGZl9Dm4Iao\/s72-c\/Operation+Varsity+Blues+Photoshop.png","height":"72","width":"72"},"thr$total":{"$t":"0"}},{"id":{"$t":"tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1170716682680204889.post-7013225805560588171"},"published":{"$t":"2019-01-21T10:37:00.002-08:00"},"updated":{"$t":"2019-02-22T13:11:49.496-08:00"},"category":[{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"anti-racist pedagogy"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Critical University Studies"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"guest post"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"public goods"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Race"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"reparations"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"slavery"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Students"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Teaching"}],"title":{"type":"text","$t":"Universities Studying Slavery: Critical University Studies in Practice"},"content":{"type":"html","$t":"\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEjAzvVRy_IxLxlu8tuxnjta0kjFrjEwi1EyjZ4Kb5xOWVTdAjctPiMCW7T2D_rX9eqY63Z74tkiS4eJkOhapIZZ6NqXpG1ODEHr38dAg6qgFl4FE9o66nkt7SwIjJ8NnAz3zG8UgEvdcy0\/s1600\/White+Houes+Slaves+Built.jpg\" imageanchor=\"1\" style=\"clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"298\" data-original-width=\"615\" height=\"155\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEjAzvVRy_IxLxlu8tuxnjta0kjFrjEwi1EyjZ4Kb5xOWVTdAjctPiMCW7T2D_rX9eqY63Z74tkiS4eJkOhapIZZ6NqXpG1ODEHr38dAg6qgFl4FE9o66nkt7SwIjJ8NnAz3zG8UgEvdcy0\/s320\/White+Houes+Slaves+Built.jpg\" width=\"320\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\nBy Vineeta Singh, Lemon Project Postdoctoral Fellow, Omohundro Institute, College of William \u0026amp; Mary.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Ci\u003EThis is the second in a series of talks from the MLA panel, \"Race and Critical University Studies.\" The first was \u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2019\/01\/insurgent-genealogies-poetic-and.html\"\u003E\"Insurgent Genealogies.\"\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/i\u003E\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nIn 2015, the University of Virginia’s “President’s Commission on Slavery and the University” established a multi-institution consortium of \u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/slavery.virginia.edu\/universities-studying-slavery\/\"\u003E“Universities Studying Slavery,”\u003C\/a\u003E (USS) to allow historians to collaborate on research and share best practices for attempts at reconciling institutional histories and institutional values. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nIn the last three years, the consortium has grown to include 38 universities in the U.S., Canada, and Britain. It is primarily an historical rather than literary or even interdisciplinary intellectual community.\u0026nbsp; It is located squarely in the South, where the institutional reluctance and incapacity to address the already \u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/silencesam.com\/uncategorized\/call-to-strike\/\"\u003Ehypervisible histories of slavery\u003C\/a\u003E and white supremacy more broadly have molded a very different \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.jstor.org\/stable\/10.15767\/feministstudies.44.2.0432\"\u003E“crisis consensus” \u003C\/a\u003Ethan at the University of California and similar schools. Because of these divergent evolutions, USS work gives Critical University Studies other ways of approaching the presentism, exceptionalism, and focus on amelioration that CUS work is frequently charged with.\u0026nbsp; \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nAfter finishing an Ethnic Studies dissertation studying the history of U.S. higher education as it reflects and intensifies the conditions of racial capitalism, I recently began a postdoctoral fellowship with \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.wm.edu\/sites\/lemonproject\/index.php\"\u003EThe Lemon Project: A Journey of Reconciliation.\u003C\/a\u003E This is the College of William \u0026amp; Mary’s initiative to study the university’s history with racial violence and to “rectify wrongs perpetrated against African Americans by William \u0026amp; Mary through action or inaction.” In learning with the Lemon team and other members of the USS Consortium, I have come to regard the practical and creative work of students, scholars, and activists working with such initiatives as a model for how to do a critical study of American higher education. The work is allowing us to address the color line as a central driving force in the history of U.S. higher education. It looks toward an immanent reconcilability of studies of race, racism, and racial capitalism in higher education with “critical studies about the casualization of academic labor, the privatization of the public university, and the uncertain future of U.S. higher education,” as Heather Steffen put it in the proposal for this panel.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThe conflict between the study of CUS and of race might be boiled down to the hope, on the one hand, that the public research university is fundamentally a progressive good, whose expanding reach has or will index the growth of values consonant with social justice, potentially including the dismantling of white supremacy, heteropatriarchy etc.; and, on the other hand, the conviction that since the U.S. nation-state is a guarantor of white supremacist capitalism, its system of higher education, functions like all state apparatuses is a house where \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/collectiveliberation.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/01\/Lorde_The_Masters_Tools.pdf\"\u003E“only the most narrow parameters of change are possible and allowable.”\u003C\/a\u003E \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nIn my research and in my work with the Lemon Project I have joined a generation of Black Studies, Ethnic Studies, and American Studies scholars and historians who are attempting to work through this disconnect. Like the first generation of identity knowledge workers who brought identity knowledges into some kind of institutional relationship with the academy, our labors represent a kind of reconciliation--not the end of an antagonism, but its continuation by other means. Creating new, uncomfortable, and generative proximites, this reconciliation work has less to do with the affective labor of creating friendly relations and more to do with the institutional work of creating a shared political community for the perpetrators andi targets of crimes against humanity. Or better yet, for knowledge producers, it is akin to the accounting practice of ensuring that two sets of records are in agreement. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nIn general, universities have tried to reckon with their racist pasts through enrollment, historical study, memorialization, and of course reconciliation. Among the most inspiring successes are enrollment initiatives tailored for black students.\u0026nbsp; For example, Rutgers and Georgetown are seeking to build recruitment relationships with descendant communities.\u0026nbsp; \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/scarletandblack.rutgers.edu\/\"\u003ERutgers University’s Scarlet and Black Project’s \u003C\/a\u003Ehistorical study puts anti-black and settler violences squarely in the center of university history rather than, as in the past, seeing them as appendages or amendments to a history of great white men and families.\u0026nbsp; \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nSome universities are also engaged in countercommemoration, in which they rename campus landmarks after the enslaved laborers who built them, or after black historical figures associated with campus space. This helps black students and other students of color see themselves not just as descendants of the disfranchised but as inheritors of radical traditions of resistance and study.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nNotably, the Brown [University] Steering Committee was a direct result of a reparations debate. The same year Ruth Simmons became Brown’s president, conservative author David Horowitz published a full-page ad in student newspapers across the country including the Brown Daily Herald titled “Ten Ideas Why Reparations for Slavery is a Bad Idea—and Racist Too.” When the paper’s editors refused to print a retraction or relinquish the money the paper received for the ad (as student activists recommended), protestors “stole an entire day’s press run of the paper” (\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.brown.edu\/Research\/Slavery_Justice\/documents\/SlaveryAndJustice.pdf\"\u003Epages 58- 59\u003C\/a\u003E). The steering committee’s final report notes that the “stolen” papers were actually returned, but also that the story of the “theft” appeared in newspapers across the country, casting the university as a poor defendant of “the free exchange of ideas” (\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.brown.edu\/Research\/Slavery_Justice\/documents\/SlaveryAndJustice.pdf\"\u003Eibid\u003C\/a\u003E.) The following year, when a class-action lawsuit was brought against a cohort of private corporations built on profits from the slave trade, including FleetBoston bank, founded by the same family of brothers who endowed Brown University, and when think pieces like Harvard Law professor \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2002\/03\/31\/opinion\/litigating-the-legacy-of-slavery.html\"\u003ECharles Ogletree’s New York \u003Ci\u003ETimes\u003C\/i\u003E essay\u003C\/a\u003E warned institutions like Brown, Yale, and Harvard to brace for a series of similar suits, Brown’s president Simmons convened the steering committee, \u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/brown.edu\/Research\/Slavery_Justice\/documents\/SlaveryAndJustice.pdf\"\u003Ein their words\u003C\/a\u003E,“not [to] determine whether or how Brown might pay monetary reparations, nor… to forge a consensus on the reparations question. Its object, rather, was ‘to provide factual information and critical perspectives to deepen understanding’ and enrich debate on an issue that had aroused great public passion but little constructive public dialogue.”\u0026nbsp; \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThe most visible of this work, however, is the focus on eliciting an official university apology—ostensibly, although evidently not always, as a prelude to a commitment to material investments; administratively, of course, the investment is in rehabilitating the image of the institution. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nAlthough the USS consortium’s name implies a focus on the pre-1865 period, in practice its associated initiatives have used the hypervisibility of the slavery conversation to bring attention to racial formation, racial capitalism, and racialized violence more broadly. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThe initiatives frequently cite Saidiya Hartman’s formulation of the afterlives of African chattel slavery to trigger a momentary removal of the veils of commodity fetishism and fiduciary responsibility, the justification used by, for instance, Jesuit priests \u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/slaveryarchive.georgetown.edu\/\"\u003Eselling 272 enslaved Americans\u003C\/a\u003E to keep Georgetown University’s doors open in 1838.\u0026nbsp; They ask, as t\u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/slavery.georgetown.edu\/report\/\"\u003Ehe Working Group on Slavery, Memory, and Reconciliation at Georgetown does\u003C\/a\u003E, how this historical “lack of moral imagination—the inability to see black human beings as deserving of equal dignity” persists in the present and in planning for the future. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nBy addressing the long history of the U.S. university as a crucial site in the creation and consolidation of American racial capitalism, such work overcomes the bias alleged to be at the heart of current CUS work. Partnering and collaborating with USS schools and scholars would help CUS practitioners do the same. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nIn doing so, Lemon-style initiatives also move against the tendency to treat the university as an exceptional site. The undergraduate class syllabi such initiatives inform connect the university’s slaveholding to its role in fomenting and maintaining Jim Crow segregation laws and norms off campus. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nAt William \u0026amp; Mary, student activists have further connected these conversations to the university’s ongoing use of prison labor. Their work underscores the continuity between African chattel slavery and contemporary mass incarceration and residential, educational, and occupational segregation, as well as workers’ rights and health inequity, as much on campus as off. In leveraging a crisis to create a coalition, such initiatives, mostly born of student, faculty, and community organizing, are another iteration of the kind of coalitional labor that has historically animated the fields of Ethnic Studies, Black Studies, Latinx, and Gender Studies. And they are a coalition that easily makes common cause with CUS’s wider concerns.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nAmelioration, the desire to manage the effects of a crisis, rather than confronting its root causes, is important to the institutions sanctioning such initiatives. As they try to tidy up unsightly and embarrassing student protests into at least surveilable, if not exactly manageable initiatives, the frequent use of the appellation “project” (instead of center or institute) in their titles indexes an uneasy triangular relationship among an administration’s desire to be absolved of past wrongdoings, historians’ attempts to “narrow the range of permissible lies” an institution can tell about its own past, and the institution’s inability to reckon with the scale of the oppression in which it has been complicit (page 173). \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nYet the persistence of the scholars tasked with these efforts of memory, repentance, reconciliation, healing, and redress, speaks to their personal and collective investments in making possible another university. They also provide an intellectual community for people like \u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/hgreen.people.ua.edu\/\"\u003EProfessor Hilary Green\u003C\/a\u003E, an historian working at the University of Alabama, who single-handedly researched, designed, and implemented an alternate campus tour highlighting the presence of enslaved laborers and craftsmen on campus. Green has personally given \u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/hgreen.people.ua.edu\/hallowed-grounds.html\"\u003Eher Hallowed Grounds tour \u003C\/a\u003Eto over three thousand visitors and students, and last year, along with earning tenure, received funds to hire student workers to expand its reach. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nGreen’s work is, frankly, a personal inspiration, and a model of the kind of reconciliation I envision for students of CUS and racial capitalism: it begins with a confrontational practice that forces students and visitors to recognize the racial violence embedded in the campus landscape.\u0026nbsp; Rather than waiting for institutional or disciplinary approval, Green has been reconciling the institution’s accounts with local common senses about the predatory relationship between the academy and communities of color. She is now also able to use university resources to further her transformative work. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThis is also a core tenet of the interdisciplinary identity knowledge formations: to refuse the positioning of racial violence as an aberration in the history of the United States or of capitalism, and to place it at the center of these narratives. One effect is that the narratives have to re-articulate their own objects.\u0026nbsp; Another is that the rest of the campus so-called community builds “racial stamina”—the capacity to engage in meaningful dialogue about systemic racism. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nIn situating racial violence as a constitutive element of institutional histories, such projects keep the campus in a generative state of crisis.\u0026nbsp; This creates the possibility to answer the call for imaginative scholarly coalitional work..\u0026nbsp; I’m thinking in particular of Roderick Ferguson’s The Reorder of Things, which shifts our focus away from grand revolutionary narratives (or even the heroic model of grant-writing templates) and towards “the small things” that can enact critical forms of community—forms that make minoritized subjects agents rather than silent objects of knowledge. "},"link":[{"rel":"replies","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/feeds\/7013225805560588171\/comments\/default","title":"Post Comments"},{"rel":"replies","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2019\/01\/after-apology-critical-university.html#comment-form","title":"1 Comments"},{"rel":"edit","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/7013225805560588171"},{"rel":"self","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/7013225805560588171"},{"rel":"alternate","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2019\/01\/after-apology-critical-university.html","title":"Universities Studying Slavery: Critical University Studies in Practice"}],"author":[{"name":{"$t":"Chris Newfield"},"uri":{"$t":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/profile\/01078395415386100872"},"email":{"$t":"noreply@blogger.com"},"gd$image":{"rel":"http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail","width":"16","height":"16","src":"https:\/\/img1.blogblog.com\/img\/b16-rounded.gif"}}],"media$thumbnail":{"xmlns$media":"http://search.yahoo.com/mrss/","url":"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEjAzvVRy_IxLxlu8tuxnjta0kjFrjEwi1EyjZ4Kb5xOWVTdAjctPiMCW7T2D_rX9eqY63Z74tkiS4eJkOhapIZZ6NqXpG1ODEHr38dAg6qgFl4FE9o66nkt7SwIjJ8NnAz3zG8UgEvdcy0\/s72-c\/White+Houes+Slaves+Built.jpg","height":"72","width":"72"},"thr$total":{"$t":"1"}},{"id":{"$t":"tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1170716682680204889.post-1344778439194373099"},"published":{"$t":"2019-01-14T16:53:00.001-08:00"},"updated":{"$t":"2019-02-22T13:12:05.522-08:00"},"category":[{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"anti-racist pedagogy"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Critical University Studies"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"guest post"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"public goods"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Race"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Students"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Teaching"}],"title":{"type":"text","$t":"Insurgent Genealogies: The Poetic and Pedagogical Praxis of Audre Lorde, June Jordan, Toni Cade Bambara, and Adrienne Rich "},"content":{"type":"html","$t":"\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEiVCdpXi5LhxQPyHrsY-2_z2AfCU6cR3z8721T40enB-YH_PaC-Pvgm8adRIsa6-611nNTPxhr4m4QhMcPYIv50M5bU-Krdrxo8eOGrzur6J_RFsVc150bYBLsTYMSF1Neopvx00Z6wNjY\/s1600\/Savonick_Figure+1.png\" imageanchor=\"1\" style=\"clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"456\" data-original-width=\"825\" height=\"176\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEiVCdpXi5LhxQPyHrsY-2_z2AfCU6cR3z8721T40enB-YH_PaC-Pvgm8adRIsa6-611nNTPxhr4m4QhMcPYIv50M5bU-Krdrxo8eOGrzur6J_RFsVc150bYBLsTYMSF1Neopvx00Z6wNjY\/s320\/Savonick_Figure+1.png\" width=\"320\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\nby Danica Savonick, Asst Professor of English, SUNY Courtland\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Ci\u003EChris here: this is the first in a series of papers delivered at an MLA Convention panel called \"Race and Critical University Studies,\" organized by Heather Steffen and me and held on 5 January 2019.\u0026nbsp; Prof. Savonick gets at a key motive behind the panel when she says below, \"Critical university studies puts a name on something that activists, \nintellectuals, and scholars of African American studies, women’s \nstudies, and ethnic studies have been doing for decades and even \ncenturies.\" We are interested in helping CUS contribute to the continuation and extension of these critiques and practices.\u003C\/i\u003E\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Ci\u003E***\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/i\u003E \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u0026nbsp;My remarks today are drawn from my current manuscript project, \u003Ci\u003EInsurgent Knowledge\u003C\/i\u003E, which analyzes the literary and pedagogical praxis of Audre Lorde, June Jordan, Toni Cade Bambara, and Adrienne Rich. I’ll give a brief overview of the project and highlight one key example, then suggest some ways that this work might help us think about this panel’s question: how can critical university studies approach issues of race, racism, and racial capitalism in higher education?\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nWhile Lorde, Jordan, Bambara, and Rich are most often studied for their literature, my project positions them as theorists of feminist and antiracist pedagogy. In 1968, at the height of the Women’s Movement, the Civil Rights Movement, Black Power, and protests against the Vietnam War (and the same year that Paulo Freire was writing Pedagogy of the Oppressed) these authors were teaching down the hall from one another at Harlem’s City College, in the Search for Education, Elevation, and Knowledge (SEEK) educational opportunity program and later during Open Admissions. Like the majority of educators today, they were not teaching wealthy or even middle-class students at elite universities with ample resources. Rather, they were teaching working class students of color in the nation’s first state-mandated educational opportunity program.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nAs educators, these authors drew on their poetic sensibilities to develop student-centered, collaborative, and consciousness-raising pedagogies that transformed their classrooms into sites of social change. They challenged students to make crucial decisions about the structure of their courses; to conduct original local research on poverty, housing, food, and education; to write and publish literature and to become teachers in their classrooms and leaders in their communities. These pedagogies were designed to navigate and contest the privatization of knowledge and power that has come to dominate educational practice, and I hope this research will help us to continue that work today.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nGiven this panel’s focus on race, I want to say a little more to contexualize their educational activism amidst the racial politics surrounding CUNY in the late 1960s. Since its inception, City College has been understood as a barometer for educational democracy in the U.S. While the school had a historical mandate to educate “the children of the whole people” and had long boasted of being the “Harvard of the Proletariat,” it was not until 1965 that the SEEK program was established to address the fact that the college’s student body did not reflect the diversity of the surrounding Black and Puerto Rican Harlem community. SEEK recruited “economically and educationally disadvantaged” students and prepared them to matriculate at City College through remedial coursework.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nFive years later, the college implemented a far more controversial Open Admissions policy, which expanded SEEK’s commitment to equity and access throughout the CUNY system. As \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.upress.umn.edu\/book-division\/books\/the-reorder-of-things\"\u003ERoderick Ferguson shows\u003C\/a\u003E, the initiative was met with vehement opposition and the widespread racist belief that this influx of students of color would dilute the quality of education. Mainstream media and journalism pathologized these students as “deprived, disadvantaged, former or current drug addicts, unwed mothers, ghetto residents, fatherless[ds3],” “untrained monkeys, and lions caged in a zoo[ds4].” [CJN5][ds6]And much of this dehumanizing rhetoric came from within the CUNY professoriate, especially in the humanities. Open Admissions, according to the chair of the City College English Department, is “how you kill a college.”\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEgfPuhsYqbxoBHTQhvX4JIXr3uE5demcfa6RtNVUfRG9UpgwMZHp6SYWn99dNeDM5WCd6tyRFyQaGGxuQy_NkHH1KTAlurbrB1aD74YuOI7xNPTpASUZ5enLh5lmNA36dx4bZJNFZ5dhiM\/s1600\/Savonick_Figure+2.png\" imageanchor=\"1\" style=\"margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"463\" data-original-width=\"823\" height=\"345\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEgfPuhsYqbxoBHTQhvX4JIXr3uE5demcfa6RtNVUfRG9UpgwMZHp6SYWn99dNeDM5WCd6tyRFyQaGGxuQy_NkHH1KTAlurbrB1aD74YuOI7xNPTpASUZ5enLh5lmNA36dx4bZJNFZ5dhiM\/s400\/Savonick_Figure+2.png\" width=\"613\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nAt a time when faculty were accusing these democratizing initiatives of killing higher education and lowering academic standards, a number of eminent writers were lining up at the door to teach in these classrooms. These teacher-poets, along with figures like Addison Gayle, Barbara Christian, David Henderson, and Mina Shaughnessy, understood that many of these students came from underfunded schools that were left out of the city’s Progressive era education reforms. They understood that students’ unpreparedness was the product of racist institutions, discrimination, underemployment, and poverty, and not individual deficiencies. Together they\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nformed an insurrectionary pedagogical milieu committed to the success of working class students, first-generation students, and students of color.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nAt this point, I am overwhelmed by the number of stories I want to tell you. I want to tell you how Bambara was tasked with teaching a remedial summer writing course that would prepare students to assimilate into the existing curriculum, but instead she challenged them to design their own course and equipped them with the tools to reinvent the university. I want to tell you about how Lorde assigned daily journals and collaborative projects to teach students to locate their lives in relation to long histories of institutional injustice. I want to tell you about Rich’s insistence that her university did not need a new, highly exclusive MFA program but desperately needed to offer a master’s in creative teaching in order to address the nation’s devastating conditions of educational inequality.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nBut in the interest of time, I will focus on just one example: the praxis of publishing student writing. While these anthologies may be familiar to scholars of African American literature and women’s studies, today, I want to focus on the little-discussed fact that all of these relatively well known anthologies included student writing. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEgr2bgfzSACwIcfUer_W22wkZckUJLK8PUEqDc8OEGAUoDShS9E54JAJAqUcw5pNZUklIA9omqVMjjW3v-p2zVzTd1b2cX2EgipBrjPBYvz9zfw7e8UEc4GIMjSC_JPkbNXK1GRz9DZ44U\/s1600\/Savonick_Figure+3.jpg\" imageanchor=\"1\" style=\"margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"264\" data-original-width=\"468\" height=\"345\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEgr2bgfzSACwIcfUer_W22wkZckUJLK8PUEqDc8OEGAUoDShS9E54JAJAqUcw5pNZUklIA9omqVMjjW3v-p2zVzTd1b2cX2EgipBrjPBYvz9zfw7e8UEc4GIMjSC_JPkbNXK1GRz9DZ44U\/s400\/Savonick_Figure+3.jpg\" width=\"613\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\nIn fact, much of the writing in these collections emerged from the courses Jordan, Lorde, and Bambara taught at Tougaloo College, City College, Rutgers Livingston, and in less formal spaces, like weekend writing workshops. Instead of submitting writing solely to be read by the instructor, they organized their courses around the production of texts that could circulate in the world beyond the classroom.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nFor example, The Voice of the Children is a poetry collection authored entirely by students in Jordan’s weekend writing workshops and published in 1970.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEhQKMpa9jbAU_0NF0moaRWvaJ21iZSKRzh3M4G34u-oT3xOgrxDJ-ooqq6oRQt0T78SfdyLqkhC6kbceEf3lHs9WXqrL4Exw3PuyAa0JyE_zGBhRz7ANfU0rwzaja_dQRlg7EQAPyppvtY\/s1600\/Savonick_Figure+4.png\" imageanchor=\"1\" style=\"margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"461\" data-original-width=\"824\" height=\"342\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEhQKMpa9jbAU_0NF0moaRWvaJ21iZSKRzh3M4G34u-oT3xOgrxDJ-ooqq6oRQt0T78SfdyLqkhC6kbceEf3lHs9WXqrL4Exw3PuyAa0JyE_zGBhRz7ANfU0rwzaja_dQRlg7EQAPyppvtY\/s400\/Savonick_Figure+4.png\" width=\"613\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\nIn this collection, the young authors, ranging in age from twelve to fourteen, address the offensive and inaccurate stereotypes of illiterate “ghetto” children of color that were circulating in mainstream media in the late 1960s. Journalists regularly described these children as “silent creatures…[who] didn’t know the names of things, didn’t know that things had names, didn’t even know their own names.”\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nAnd yet, in just the first few pages of The Voice of the Children the young authors respond to prompts such as “what would you do if you were president?” with trenchant critiques of ghetto stereotypes, settler colonialism, U.S. imperialism, and patriarchy, made all the more powerful when we consider that their average age was thirteen. In the opening prose poem, fourteen-year-old Vanessa Howard theorizes the power of stereotypes to reduce the complexity of individuals:\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cblockquote class=\"tr_bq\"\u003E\nNine out of ten times when a person hears the word ‘ghetto’ they think of Black people first of all...Ghetto has become a definition meaning Black, garbage, slum areas... I think they put all Black people in a box marked ‘ghetto’ which leaves them having no identity.\u0026nbsp; They should let Black people be seen for themselves, not as one reflection on all.\u003C\/blockquote\u003E\nBy teaching her students that they were authors with important things to say, Jordan directly challenged the ways mainstream media pathologized working class students of color as deprived, disadvantaged, unruly bodies in need of discipline. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nI read these anthologies as the enactment of a social justice pedagogy developed by these teacher-poets. In contrast to the top-down construction of traditional anthologies, which are typically produced for but not by students in the classroom, Jordan, Lorde, and Bambara acted on a conviction that authorship — the power to move people through language — is widely distributed despite racist and patriarchal institutions that privilege the voices of a narrow, white male elite. The authors they worked with were low-income, women with families to support, people of color, and often students (some as young as 9) and the editorial labor that went into these collections ranged from convincing publishers that these authors had something important to say to convincing the authors themselves.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nAs educator-editors, they put in countless uncompensated hours corresponding with publishers, negotiating contracts, and organizing publicity events. They did so because they understood the multifaceted impact these anthologies could make in people’s lives. These publications helped students understand the power of their voices and share survival strategies across the partitioning walls of classrooms and institutions. They addressed the racism of both the literary publishing industry and academia and called out to collectives of readers who had previously been ignored by publishers.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThese anthologies were part of a grassroots movement for pedagogical, cultural, and social change that emerged not from top-down decisions by school boards, but led by writers and teachers embedded in city classrooms, who witnessed the pernicious gaps among existing curricula, the abundance of Black poetry, and the experiences of students’ lives. In doing so, they drew on a long history of Black self-publishing, which was central to both the Harlem Renaissance and the Black Arts Movement. And it was from these experiences of trying to publish their and their students’ writing that Kitchen Table: Woman of Color Press was born.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nPublishing student writing would become a central component of Jordan’s pedagogy for years to come, most notably in her Poetry for the People program at U.C. Berkeley in the 1990s, where she trained hundreds of students to write, publish, and perform their poetry and to become educators who would go out into community centers, homeless shelters, K-12 schools, and churches to teach others to write and publish poetry. Taking advantage of campus resources, Jordan insisted in students’ involvement not just in the co-creation of their classroom, but in the publication process: editing, proofing, binding, budgeting, distribution, and marketing. Reflecting on a course that concluded with a collaboratively-authored anthology, Jordan notes that “the class was producing its own literature: A literature reflecting the ideas and dreams and memories of the actual young Americans at work” (“Merit Review”).\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nBut anthologies are just one example of the collaborative, project-based, multimodal and public pedagogy developed by these teacher-poets. Rather than dictating the forms their final projects should take, Bambara often asked students to find or invent a form that would best tell the story of their learning and share these lessons with a public audience beyond the classroom. “Do not write term papers for me,” Bambara told students, “Make sure they are useful for somebody else as well,” suggesting forms such as a collaborative annotated bibliography, performance art, a short story (for radio or TV), a magazine, puppet theater, a street theater performance, a slide show, or a picture book.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThe one requirement was that it “can be shared with others.” Some examples of Jordan’s collaborative projects include a “Wrath Rally” and letter writing campaign against poverty in Biafra, organized by students in her Upward Bound Class, dramatic radio productions on children’s welfare and racial justice in South Central Los Angeles, and A Revolutionary Blueprint, a collection of reading lists, syllabi, poetry, and activities that turned the lessons of Poetry for the People into a “how to guide” for others interested in democratizing poetry. Through these assignments, these teacher-poets taught students that their voices, stories, and actions mattered for social change; in short, that each student, in Jordan’s words, “has much to teach America.\"\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nAs educators, we are accustomed to thinking about how our courses can be useful to students, but these teacher-poets urge us to consider how classrooms can also become useful to the world beyond its walls. Through this pedagogy, they taught students an activist way of being in the world, in which we do not sit idly by, but confront our complicity in, and therefore our abilities to address, problems in society. They believed that everyone has something to contribute to the production of a more just, equitable, and pleasurable world, and that classrooms were one site for discovering what that might entail. Often, this took the form of getting better poems and better books into the hands of readers who needed them. Through these assignments, they showed students their collective social power that neoliberal institutions cover over: how our learning, knowledge, writing, research, and art provide opportunities to fight for change.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nIn a moment when conservative politicians like Ronald Reagan were demonizing activist students and calling art education an “intellectual luxury,” these teacher-poets were part of a groundswell pedagogical movement of educators who understood an education in language as a crucial skill for navigating and transforming the world. Best articulated by \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.penguinrandomhouse.com\/books\/198292\/sister-outsider-by-audre-lorde\/9781580911863\/\"\u003EAudre Lorde\u003C\/a\u003E, the study of language and literature —\u0026nbsp; in community college, Open Admissions, and remedial writing classrooms; in community centers; in weekend workshops; and around the kitchen table —\u0026nbsp; was never understood as a “luxury,” but as a way of improving “the quality of light by which we scrutinize our lives” (36[CJN7][ds8]), a necessary undertaking for those rendered vulnerable by the social order.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nWhat emerges from this genealogy is a humanistic praxis that is continually responsive to material conditions of inequality, what I am calling “the indispensable humanities.” The indispensable humanities interrogate how resources are unevenly distributed along embodied axes of race, class, gender, and sexuality, and the roles that language, literature, education, and culture play in perpetuating and altering these conditions.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nBy way of a conclusion, I want to offer some provisional hypotheses\/answers to this panel’s question.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n1. Critical university studies puts a name on something that activists, intellectuals, and scholars of African American studies, women’s studies, and ethnic studies have been doing for decades and even centuries. And so, a worthwhile project for critical university studies might be to locate our work within an insurgent genealogy that includes not only these-teacher poets but also figures like W.E.B. DuBois, Anna Julia Cooper, Fanny Jackson Coppin, Mary Church Terrell, Septima Clark, Ericka Huggins, and Barbara Christian. In doing so, we might better understand our contemporary moment as the product of much longer and ongoing struggles for educational justice.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEg14NvIY03n8lK1iQgQKUpzqbwy7t5nC9iIuS0eQ-UL3vHZ2Y3G69NYXX3IDh9mmMR4WJJA5aRrj83rvH67QG4IzUhqfrxlbtTxBnUHJDhzxKy_RSJVckETDGWgjfnAGpGOWEqm02pzoQw\/s1600\/Savonick_Figure+5.png\" imageanchor=\"1\" style=\"margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"463\" data-original-width=\"823\" height=\"345\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEg14NvIY03n8lK1iQgQKUpzqbwy7t5nC9iIuS0eQ-UL3vHZ2Y3G69NYXX3IDh9mmMR4WJJA5aRrj83rvH67QG4IzUhqfrxlbtTxBnUHJDhzxKy_RSJVckETDGWgjfnAGpGOWEqm02pzoQw\/s400\/Savonick_Figure+5.png\" width=\"613\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: left;\"\u003E\n\u0026nbsp;2. Recent work in critical university studies has built on the legacy of these figures, analyzing how higher education often reproduces the conditions of inequality it claims to challenge, especially through longstanding violence against people of color. While these teacher-poets were, in \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/undercommons-fugitive-planning-black-study-ebook\/dp\/B01EX6CYJ6\/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8\u0026amp;qid=1547513370\u0026amp;sr=8-1\u0026amp;keywords=the+undercommons\"\u003EMoten and Harney’s terms\u003C\/a\u003E, “in but not of” the university, they also acknowledged how higher education remains one of the most viable paths towards the modest comforts of a middle-class life, especially for students from working-class backgrounds, and how absconding can be too risky for those without an economic security net. Instead, they used their knowledge of their complicity within unjust institutions to hold institutions accountable, redistribute educational resources, and make them more responsive to diverse communities.\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: left;\"\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEiBPUBzNU6J_Mn5HA-8SKtwNbIXF3tCp-jtVZI7zYdov7T0AVSMMjsM1Zc0F3KDmi9yFoT43PZG0nPWSFo1IQ6Khk05ogjnjPiEb0Xu1aNjeMe2Xays8Awu8d3x8kmxrc0F_GeRO3hVobc\/s1600\/Savonick_Figure+6.png\" imageanchor=\"1\" style=\"margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"464\" data-original-width=\"825\" height=\"342\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEiBPUBzNU6J_Mn5HA-8SKtwNbIXF3tCp-jtVZI7zYdov7T0AVSMMjsM1Zc0F3KDmi9yFoT43PZG0nPWSFo1IQ6Khk05ogjnjPiEb0Xu1aNjeMe2Xays8Awu8d3x8kmxrc0F_GeRO3hVobc\/s400\/Savonick_Figure+6.png\" width=\"613\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n3. With my research, I aim to position these teacher-poets as leaders of pedagogical, institutional, and social change, whose work points to the importance of fighting on all of these different fronts: from the page, to the classroom, to the streets. In our current moment, one in which racism operates more insidiously (for instance, as Sara Ahmed shows, through the proliferation of diversity discourses), I’m interested in how these educators taught students both to navigate conditions of structural inequality and to imagine and build better alternatives. In particular, their work reminds us that many contemporary student-centered pedagogies emerged in relation to the critiques of power issued by the feminist, antiracist, and anti-imperial social movements of the late 1960s. Their work demonstrates how our pedagogies can contribute to larger struggles for social justice, even from within conservative, hostile, neoliberal institutions (what \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.upress.umn.edu\/book-division\/books\/the-imperial-university\"\u003EAlexis Pauline Gumbs calls “counter-poetic” pedagogy\u003C\/a\u003E). My aim is not necessarily to say that contemporary educators should do these exact things (although I’ve had a lot of fun trying) but to make available different ways of thinking about our classrooms as sites of social change, especially in relation to Black Lives Matter, the #MeToo movement, and other movements for social justice. \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nAnd so I’ll leave you with June Jordan’s question: “how will the American university teach otherwise?” \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E"},"link":[{"rel":"replies","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/feeds\/1344778439194373099\/comments\/default","title":"Post Comments"},{"rel":"replies","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2019\/01\/insurgent-genealogies-poetic-and.html#comment-form","title":"4 Comments"},{"rel":"edit","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/1344778439194373099"},{"rel":"self","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/1344778439194373099"},{"rel":"alternate","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2019\/01\/insurgent-genealogies-poetic-and.html","title":"Insurgent Genealogies: The Poetic and Pedagogical Praxis of Audre Lorde, June Jordan, Toni Cade Bambara, and Adrienne Rich "}],"author":[{"name":{"$t":"Chris Newfield"},"uri":{"$t":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/profile\/01078395415386100872"},"email":{"$t":"noreply@blogger.com"},"gd$image":{"rel":"http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail","width":"16","height":"16","src":"https:\/\/img1.blogblog.com\/img\/b16-rounded.gif"}}],"media$thumbnail":{"xmlns$media":"http://search.yahoo.com/mrss/","url":"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEiVCdpXi5LhxQPyHrsY-2_z2AfCU6cR3z8721T40enB-YH_PaC-Pvgm8adRIsa6-611nNTPxhr4m4QhMcPYIv50M5bU-Krdrxo8eOGrzur6J_RFsVc150bYBLsTYMSF1Neopvx00Z6wNjY\/s72-c\/Savonick_Figure+1.png","height":"72","width":"72"},"thr$total":{"$t":"4"}},{"id":{"$t":"tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1170716682680204889.post-9175669350474594857"},"published":{"$t":"2018-12-17T09:34:00.003-08:00"},"updated":{"$t":"2019-07-17T07:27:24.434-07:00"},"category":[{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Academic Senate"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Gender"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"guest post"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Neoliberalism"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"Race"},{"scheme":"http://www.blogger.com/atom/ns#","term":"UC Merced"}],"title":{"type":"text","$t":"In, Of and Out of the UC"},"content":{"type":"html","$t":"\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEjiMgZhTtYm5VEEbeQehdn-JKUF33vEIMT3sk3tQJE5xH59DWdFAGS5Y7zaJ0zHgeCih-8oiFR5MM-XvAXRTGgqrm4qVf0j5YAt7_bzcHDSvG9Ud7aE0rTeqcyGz4zgzHieDg3MQl6V6FE\/s1600\/UC+Merced+protest+July2017+2.jpg\" imageanchor=\"1\" style=\"clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"1067\" data-original-width=\"1600\" height=\"213\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEjiMgZhTtYm5VEEbeQehdn-JKUF33vEIMT3sk3tQJE5xH59DWdFAGS5Y7zaJ0zHgeCih-8oiFR5MM-XvAXRTGgqrm4qVf0j5YAt7_bzcHDSvG9Ud7aE0rTeqcyGz4zgzHieDg3MQl6V6FE\/s320\/UC+Merced+protest+July2017+2.jpg\" width=\"320\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Ci\u003EReflections on the \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/senate.universityofcalifornia.edu\/resources\/Senate150.html\"\u003E150th Anniversary Symposium\u003C\/a\u003E of the University of California Academic Senate, Part I,\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/i\u003E\u003Ci\u003Eby Anneeth Kaur Hundle (Asst. Prof. of Anthropology) and Ma Vang (Asst. Prof. of Ethnic Studies \u0026amp; History), UC Merced.\u0026nbsp;\u003Ca href=\"http:\/\/www.ucmprodigy.com\/uc-merced-students-protest-hookah-lounge-arrests\/\"\u003EPhoto\u003C\/a\u003E courtesy of Merced \u003C\/i\u003EProdigy\u003Ci\u003E.\u0026nbsp;\u003C\/i\u003E\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cdiv arrival=\"\" br=\"\" in=\"\" oakland=\"\" style=\"text-align: left;\"\u003E\n\u003Ci\u003E\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/i\u003E\n\u003Cb\u003EArrival in Oakland\u003C\/b\u003E\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cb\u003E\u003Cbr \/\u003E\u003C\/b\u003E\nWe felt anxious as we entered the cocktail reception that preceded the keynote and first panel of the symposium and celebration. Located in a large hall of the iconic Waterfront Hotel on Jack London Square in Oakland, we felt like out-of-town infiltrators, from the seemingly otherworldly UC Merced of the San Joaquin\/Central Valley and rural California. We felt out of time and place in the almost entirely white space of senior UC Academic Senate leadership, and marked by our generational, racialized, gendered, and cultural differences. \u0026nbsp;To the right of the entrance was a bar, and most of the attendees had gathered around it, engaged in exuberant conversation as they sipped on cocktails and greeted each other like old pals. People turned to look at us with friendly smiles and also quizzical looks of non-recognition--they did not know who we were and what we might be doing there.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nA little nervous but determined, we maneuvered through the crowded entrance to look for a seat. We spotted our fellow panelists and moderator already seated at a table, and upon their invitation, took our seats at the table. Exchanging glances wrought from friendship and solidarity, we thought a drink or two might be in order to make it through the night. We worked our way through the crowd back to the entrance and bar.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThe feelings of nonbelonging lingered through the evening’s panel and those of the next day. To be clear, we also belonged at the symposium because we are UC faculty and, at the suggestion of one of our senior faculty mentors at UC Merced, were invited to present a talk for the 150th anniversary of the UC Academic Senate based on our perspectives as junior faculty at UC Merced. However, we also felt that we were token faculty of color in the exclusive space of senior Academic Senate leaders. We were not sure if our visible phenotypical presentation of “difference” as faculty from UC Merced was conflated with or would even erase our substantive, intellectual contributions about our experiences of UC Merced as a neoliberal university. Were we there as objects to represent diversity or were we there to speak as subjects of history about the UC system?\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cb\u003EThinking the “Twenty-First Century Neoliberal Research University”\u003C\/b\u003E\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nOur talk at the anniversary symposium was based on a longer, collaborative paper that we co-wrote together, alongside UCM student contributions, which is now in press in the journal Critical Ethnic Studies and which provides an analysis of UC Merced as an exceptional university and institution in the UC system because of its origins, development, and expansion in the context of neoliberal conditionality specific to the Californian and U.S. context from the late 1980s onwards. Our mode of celebrating the 150th anniversary of the UC “multiversity” (to use former President of the UC Clark Kerr’s phrase) and the academic senate was to think about the UC’s mission to uphold public values, connect to larger civic issues and social problems, and envision a democratic polity. Importantly, we did not speak from administrative, or technocratic-managerial perspectives, but as professors and teachers who are deeply invested in the stated public mission of the UC, and who must provide our students with intellectual toolkits to understand their society and circumstances. Thus, our talk was positioned in relation to the everyday struggles of navigating UC Merced and the UC system as junior scholars and researchers, teachers, and mentors for minoritized\/racialized and working class students.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nOur mode of celebrating the 150th anniversary of the UC Academic Senate began by stating student demands that were expressed at the 2016 celebration and groundbreaking of \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/merced2020.ucmerced.edu\/\"\u003Ethe UC Merced’s 2020 Project,\u003C\/a\u003E the next phase of UCM’s campus expansion.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cdiv class=\"separator\" style=\"clear: both; text-align: center;\"\u003E\n\u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEil9Gr3XdWgwr50SA1Ox2w1LUn6mJhvpqwOq_Arh9Oemgw2dJh7li51vCoChPnjvHGgygpHVHXUHRl5IDxK5ZFLhMz1oiQRCSDtehNawohYd6eVe9yrkj-9daHev0j7DA2Yi0fP5ulI61c\/s1600\/UC+Merced+2020.jpg\" imageanchor=\"1\" style=\"margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;\"\u003E\u003Cimg border=\"0\" data-original-height=\"652\" data-original-width=\"1170\" height=\"222\" src=\"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEil9Gr3XdWgwr50SA1Ox2w1LUn6mJhvpqwOq_Arh9Oemgw2dJh7li51vCoChPnjvHGgygpHVHXUHRl5IDxK5ZFLhMz1oiQRCSDtehNawohYd6eVe9yrkj-9daHev0j7DA2Yi0fP5ulI61c\/s400\/UC+Merced+2020.jpg\" width=\"400\" \/\u003E\u003C\/a\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nUPRISE (Uprising People Power to Resolve Issues of Space and Equity) is a graduate and undergraduate student coalition at UC Merced, largely led by queer women of color, that demanded the redistribution of university resources for student needs as well as the recognition of their humanity, dignity, and personhood on campus. The student coalition called for cultural and other student centers, increased funding for mental health services, better undergraduate student recruitment and retention, resources for the critical race and ethnic studies program, the diversification of the faculty, and the de-militarization of the campus.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nForegrounding campus structural inequality and the student activism of students of color in our lecture, we argued that UC Merced enacts neoliberal projects by retooling concepts and ideals central to historical and liberal-humanist visions of the University of California--projects such as “diversity,” “access,” “equity,” and “public”--to put them in line with neoliberal campus expansion initiatives. In mobilizing these concepts, rooted in a model of the UC informed by the 1960s-era Master Plan for Higher Education, we addressed how the work of late capitalist inequality is made invisible and normalized in the day to day workings of UC Merced.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nWe also addressed neoliberal processes as a relationship between late liberal capitalism and multicultural diversity discourses, suggesting that the university deploys “diversity speak” as a technology of governance and mode of managing difference and students’ substantive demands for racial and economic justice through what we define as top-down “neoliberal solidarity projects” (i.e. the celebration of “first-generation” identity etc.)\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nFinally, we explored the relational politics and practices among staff, faculty, and students of color to comprise what we describe as “nonaligned solidarities in formation”--solidarities that inform a set of strategies of both “playing along” and resisting the university’s neoliberal governance and management of its subjects. Such solidarities are often fractious, messy, and precarious, but they reveal a sense of community and belonging to UCM, as well as a bottom-up vision for a just university that functions to actually serves its students, faculty and staff of color, and communities of California’s Central Valley.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nOur intention was to make visible our experiences, those of our students, and both the neoliberal development and governance of UC Merced to showcase the capitalist contradictions of the UC system (much of which is now majority students of color, and which features growing structural inequality) and to build a necessary link between the ongoing labor of the UC Academic Senate’s responsibility to supervise the academic mission of the system and the reality of faculty and student of color needs.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nWe did this knowing that we had yet to experience sitting on higher level, system-wide Academic Senate committees, and knowing full well that the Academic Senate’s mandate of democratic and decentralized governance exists to represent our needs and demands in lieu of being formally unionized faculty. Our discussion of UC Merced was not meant to parochialize or marginalize the campus as an anomaly, as many in the UC system continue to see it, but rather to suggest that our racialized and gendered experiences, alongside the extraction of our labor, speaks to a larger problem about the UC system as a “neoliberal multiversity.”\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nWe hoped that those in attendance understood that our commitment to the new campus, and to a region of California where people from our own communities (Hmong and Punjabi Sikh) live, requires a serious critique of the contradictions of building a new university that celebrates tokenized and phenotypical diversity, yet does less to direct resources towards understanding the complexity of student personhoods and livelihoods in the region.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nFor instance, we are concerned about the market-driven instrumentality of educational priorities that result in the divestment of critical humanities education, critical race and ethnic studies, and globally-informed coursework, including language courses, that speak to the realities of student life stories and non-Western forms of knowledge. We wanted to stimulate serious conversations about how the dilemma of neoliberal development and governance at UCM is shaping the direction of the UC. Indeed, public discourse about UC Merced touts it as the “future of the University of California\" based upon the high percentage, 53%, of Latinx students. (UC Berkeley and UCLA have \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2018\/07\/19\/us\/university-california-merced-latino-students.html\"\u003E13% and 21% Latinx student populations\u003C\/a\u003E respectively.) This is what we mean by \"neoliberal diversity\" logic\" UCM’s development and expansion depends on the visible appearance of Brown and Black bodies on our campus, while its diversity discourses and ideologies undermine more substantive financial investment for the hiring of under-representative Latinx faculty and faculty who specialize in course-work relevant to Latinx students.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nThus, as public funds for higher education dwindle, we wonder, are UCM's struggles indeed the future of the University of California system? How would the Academic Senate address our concerns, and how could we work to re-invigorate the Senate with a new sense of urgency and creativity, working towards collective goals of securing public investment, defending the public mission of the UC system, and committing to hiring faculty of color to help educate the next generation of students of color in the UC system?\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nWe presented our talk on the final panel of the day, and at that point, many important guests at the symposium, including UC system President Janet Napolitano and Provost Michael T. Brown, had already left. We had not pre-circulated our talk, and so the discussants on the panel provided commentary that was independent of the talk. Unfortunately, there was no additional time for a question and answer period, which limited intellectual engagement with the talk's ideas, beyond several questions that came from audience members after the symposium was over for the day.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nOur overall sense was that we both visibly represented the abstract notion of “diversity” of the UC system, and also provided “raw material” or “data” about the day-to-day experiences of junior faculty and students of color at UCM. Thus the content of our talk, particularly its critical analysis of neoliberal diversity, was relegated to the margins of the intellectual conversations at the symposium, rather than helping to formulate the constitutive core of conversations by and about the Academic Senate.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nIn the end, it wasn’t that those in attendance did not understand the concerns we raised. It seemed that they valued our perspective of critical disruption and understood it to be a part of the historical tradition of the UC. Yet the critical substance of our talk was still co-opted into a celebratory narrative about the UC as an institution that values diversity and the public good. The logic of this narrative prioritized the ways in which the UC had successfully fulfilled its mission of administrative and managerial planning to establish and open UC Merced.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nWe don’t discount the opportunities that UCM has afforded us as tenure-track faculty in a highly precarious job market, or the important ways it has provided and expanded access to higher education for undergraduate students from California. However, we continue to worry about the quality of that educational access. \u0026nbsp;We are worried about high lecturer to tenure-track faculty ratios. \u0026nbsp;For example, in Fall 2018, the proportion of contingent to ladder-rank \u003Ca href=\"https:\/\/www.universityofcalifornia.edu\/infocenter\/employee-fte\"\u003EUCM faculty\u003C\/a\u003E was 143 to 249, \u0026nbsp;meaning that over 1\/3rd of the UCM faculty are off the tenure track.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nWe are worried too about over-worked faculty and staff, and the lack of additional tutoring and mentoring services for first-generation, poor and working students. \u0026nbsp;We are worried about insufficient numbers of critical humanities course offerings, and of faculty of color who can serve as mentors for the students who take them. \u0026nbsp;\"Trickle-down economics” had revealed to us the ways in which ideological and increasingly fictive notions of the universalized public university and its liberal-humanistic imperatives mask late liberal capitalist university development and its negative ramifications for its racialized and gendered subjects.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cbr \/\u003E\nIn the end, we left the conference reeling from the burdensome weight of the universalist, liberal-humanist tradition of the University of California, established in 1868. \u0026nbsp;We will address this issue in a future post.\u003Cbr \/\u003E\n\u003Cspan lang=\"EN\" style=\"line-height: 18.399999618530273px;\"\u003E\u003C\/span\u003E\u003C\/div\u003E\n"},"link":[{"rel":"replies","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/feeds\/9175669350474594857\/comments\/default","title":"Post Comments"},{"rel":"replies","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2018\/12\/in-of-and-out-of-uc.html#comment-form","title":"0 Comments"},{"rel":"edit","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/9175669350474594857"},{"rel":"self","type":"application/atom+xml","href":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/feeds\/1170716682680204889\/posts\/default\/9175669350474594857"},{"rel":"alternate","type":"text/html","href":"http:\/\/utotherescue.blogspot.com\/2018\/12\/in-of-and-out-of-uc.html","title":"In, Of and Out of the UC"}],"author":[{"name":{"$t":"Chris Newfield"},"uri":{"$t":"http:\/\/www.blogger.com\/profile\/01078395415386100872"},"email":{"$t":"noreply@blogger.com"},"gd$image":{"rel":"http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail","width":"16","height":"16","src":"https:\/\/img1.blogblog.com\/img\/b16-rounded.gif"}}],"media$thumbnail":{"xmlns$media":"http://search.yahoo.com/mrss/","url":"https:\/\/blogger.googleusercontent.com\/img\/b\/R29vZ2xl\/AVvXsEjiMgZhTtYm5VEEbeQehdn-JKUF33vEIMT3sk3tQJE5xH59DWdFAGS5Y7zaJ0zHgeCih-8oiFR5MM-XvAXRTGgqrm4qVf0j5YAt7_bzcHDSvG9Ud7aE0rTeqcyGz4zgzHieDg3MQl6V6FE\/s72-c\/UC+Merced+protest+July2017+2.jpg","height":"72","width":"72"},"thr$total":{"$t":"0"}}]}});