UC students, who will pay about 18% more in tuition next year, will be interested to know that the California State Auditor, which has now released its much-anticipated report, defines student fees as public funding (p 9). Their reason is that student fees are "obtained as part of [the University's regular course of business." This explanation makes no sense at all, since federal research funds are also obtained through the regular course of business, but these taxpayer monies are classed with philanthropy and other things as private and thus excluded from this study. This founding blunder misstates UC's actual financial condition, for some reason UCOP doesn't object to it, and the Auditor's other very important points, discussed in parts 2 and 3 of this post, are compromised by Sacramento's near-delusional inability to recognize the damage it is doing to public higher education.
This is an important report based on a lot of serious, thoughtful work. But there are some problems, like defining student fees as public funds.
Last May I saw an email from UC's VP for budget Patrick Lenz, a lead UC negotiator in Sacramento, that included this bizarre sentence: "the only voice to agree with the UC that a $500 million budget cut does have an impact on the state’s funding of marginal cost per student was the LAO [Legislative Analyst's Office.}" I read that sentence many times, since it seemed to be saying that all but one of our state agencies believe that a state budget cut doesn't mean that state revenues are being cut. I wrote several people for an explanation and didn't get one that made sense to me. But apparently Lenz was exactly right, because when the state cuts its funds, UC raises tuition, so public funding stays the same - right?? Wrong! This year's tuition increases net 26% of this year's cut (pp 12-13), but even if they netted 100% student fees are not public funds.
Instead of looking into this, the state press has established the lede as the Office of President's differential allocations of state funds and tuition that have created a pattern of rich and poor UC campuses (Table 5, p 33) (see also Samuels and Cloudminder). I'll discuss this in Part 2, and some important technical points the report makes in Part 3. But first, let's look at how good UC has it thanks to our students' generous public funding of their university out of their personal public pockets.
This is an important report based on a lot of serious, thoughtful work. But there are some problems, like defining student fees as public funds.
Last May I saw an email from UC's VP for budget Patrick Lenz, a lead UC negotiator in Sacramento, that included this bizarre sentence: "the only voice to agree with the UC that a $500 million budget cut does have an impact on the state’s funding of marginal cost per student was the LAO [Legislative Analyst's Office.}" I read that sentence many times, since it seemed to be saying that all but one of our state agencies believe that a state budget cut doesn't mean that state revenues are being cut. I wrote several people for an explanation and didn't get one that made sense to me. But apparently Lenz was exactly right, because when the state cuts its funds, UC raises tuition, so public funding stays the same - right?? Wrong! This year's tuition increases net 26% of this year's cut (pp 12-13), but even if they netted 100% student fees are not public funds.
Instead of looking into this, the state press has established the lede as the Office of President's differential allocations of state funds and tuition that have created a pattern of rich and poor UC campuses (Table 5, p 33) (see also Samuels and Cloudminder). I'll discuss this in Part 2, and some important technical points the report makes in Part 3. But first, let's look at how good UC has it thanks to our students' generous public funding of their university out of their personal public pockets.