During
the same week that the President’s Advisory Council on Campus Climate, Culture, & Inclusion met in Oakland, a meeting where “community” representatives
presented out-going UC President Mark Yudof with an award for “his commitment
to our issues,” the UC Associated Students issued a statement that lamented the
hostile environment across the UC system.
The
“Resolution Recognizing and Condemning the Acts ofAnti-Black Racism and Racial Prejudices at the University of California Irvineand San Diego, while Affirming Support for the Black Student Unions at UCI andUCSD” begins with a sentiment few on the President’s Climate Council wanted to
hear: “Whereas, instances of Anti-Black
racism are common on all UC campuses, yet [the] administration continues to not
adequately address these incidences and carry out adequate measures against
those who enact anti-Black rhetoric and actions.”
The
irony was clear to anyone who was paying attention. The Climate Council had come into being in
2010 shortly after UC San Diego was shaken by a series of events known as the
“Cookout/noose” episode. Now, three
years later, awards were being handed out at the Council’s final meeting just
days after viral videos captured members of the UC Irvine chapter of the Lambda Theta Delta fraternity cavorting in Blackface. Things had come full circle and nothing of
substance had changed.
The mission of the original Council was “to identify, evaluate, and share
best practices in order to ensure a welcoming, inclusive, and nurturing
environment across UC’s ten campuses.”
Local councils were mandated for each campus. They developed randomly
according to existing campus structures.
Some were effective; some were a complete waste of time because they
recycled existing approaches that were ineffectual. The system-wide Council
began on a positive note with guest speakers such as Sylvia Hurtado from UCLA
explaining to Council members the close connection between diversity and campus
climate.
It wasn’t long, however, before the attention of the system-wide Council
was diverted away from the recent traumatic events. Former Provost Larry Pitts announced that he
did not want the climate Council to be a diversity council (guess he missed
Hurtado’s presentation). Council members
then learned that the next meeting would not be held at UCOP offices. Instead
we would meet in Los Angeles at the Museum of Tolerance where we would take a
tour of the exhibits.
Clearly, the Council’s business had been caught up in a hazy notion of
tolerance that more often than not, as Wendy Brown has taught us, “iterates the
normalcy of the powerful [and] regulates the presence of the Other.” (Regulating Aversion, 8) The hard work of trying to understand campus
climate on the ground would not be encouraged.
The outright hostility some student groups had recently experienced and
still had to cope with on a daily basis on UC campuses was washed away in a
flood of feel-good “can’t we all get along” liberalism.
Through the efforts of a small group of Council members, an attempt was
made to tackle real issues. With the
support of Dean Chris Edley, working groups were formed on faculty diversity,
the status of LGBT communities, and other pressing issues. Working group members dedicated dozens of
pro-bono hours preparing reports that, as is most often the case, were
submitted, circulated through Senate circles, commented upon, and filed away
for the edification of some future scholar.
Minor recommendations were accepted at some campuses, but overall the
Council’s impact was minimal. The
climate had not changed.
Just five days after President Yudof received his commendation on May 2, a
Black student at UC Irvine reached into her bag and found a note that read, “Go
back 2 Africa slave.” UCI administrators
reacted with appropriate horror and “we will not tolerate such behavior”
pronouncements. Racism and sexism on UC
campuses seemed to be caught in a never-ending loop of the film Ground Hog Day.
No one, not even the students who wrote the AS resolution, would argue that
administrators have the power to stop racist or even garden-variety stupidity. But clearly something has to change. What can be done? No “climate” or “diversity” commission can
hope to improve that situation until faculty members are educated about what
their women and minority students experience outside of the classroom and
lab. No student will be dissuaded from
staging a racist and sexist “cookout” until campus demographics include more
students, faculty, and administrators from historically underrepresented
communities. No campus will make
progress on any equity issue without strong and fearless advocacy emanating
from the top of the administrative chain.
Yesterday, I attended a meeting of more than a dozen departmental
representatives who had been asked to poll their colleagues about “diversity”
issues. The most repeated comment was
“We don’t know what diversity means.” The psych and anthro folks offered arcane
definitions from within their disciplines; one engineer laughed and asked if a
candidate who grew up with five sisters could list that fact as part of his
contributions to diversity. No one in
the room seemed to know that there is an elaborate scholarly bibliography about
what diversity means in higher education, how it affects the campus
environment, and how it can function to either impede or improve student
academic success.
In order to avoid a heated debate, the “diversity officers” who ran the
meeting declined to clarify their language.
No one pointed out that until diversity and equity are understood in an
historical frame that reminds us that for decades specific groups were excluded
from higher education we will continue to have pointless meetings like this
one. In the meantime, random incidents
of racism, sexism, and homophobia will break out periodically, temperatures
will rise across the UC system, and climate change will continue to be a hoax
perpetrated by the keepers of the status quo.
5 comments:
The case of Fisher vs. Texas is presently before the US Supreme Court. The question is whether the 5th Circuit erred in allowing the University of Texas to use race in its admission practices. The issue of "climate change" has a number of components, some of which are taken up in amicus briefs with California connections.
Three members of the US Commission on Civil Rights argue that admission preferences hurt minority students by placing them at a disadvantage relative to other students, leading them away from the study of science and engineering:
https://sblog.s3.amazonaws.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/11/111017-pm2-Final-Fisher-Formatted.pdf
Various student groups in UC argue that Proposition 209 has hurt the enrollment rates for certain minority groups:
https://www.utexas.edu/vp/irla/Documents/ACR%20Undergraduate%20and%20Graduate%20Student%20Organizations.pdf
The President and Chancellors of the University of California argue that a diverse student body is important and race-neutral admissions policies cannot guarantee "fully diverse student bodies."
https://www.utexas.edu/vp/irla/Documents/ACR%20The%20President%20and%20Chancellors%20of%20the%20University%20of%20California-c.pdf
Notably, the President's brief, while listing a range of efforts to accommodate the state's prohibition for using race to select students and arguing for the importance of a "critical mass of underrepresented minority students," does not mention creating an environment on campus that serves those students. Nor does it distinguish a "critical mass" from a statistically uniform representation.
The President speaks of a "welcoming climate for all racial and ethnic groups on campus," but apparently this means something more like "enrollment by category meeting a 12.5% target."
The State of California also weighs in with an amicus brief that argues voters have the prerogative to prohibit the consideration of race in admissions but "optimal student body diversity" is still "an essential component of a comprehensive collegiate education":
https://www.utexas.edu/vp/irla/Documents/ACR%20State%20of%20California.pdf
The State makes the argument that "Many students arrive at college having had limited exposure to different races and cultures, and with biases already imprinted upon them." The wording and implications of this argument are abuzz with issues, but that aside, the State holds that "the educational experiences uniquely provided by a diverse student fellowship are critical to future civic participation and leadership."
Gerry, thanks for the links. It sounds like the institutions are still using the diversity justification via Justice Powell in Bakke vs. UC Regents 1978 and Justice O'Connor's echo in Bollinger 2003, which doesn't bode well.
With regard to the rather vague phenomenon called "campus climate," the issue of admissions is only one factor among many. I meet too many well-meaning colleagues who continue to conflate complex climate and diversity issues with affirmative action.
Having said that, it is ironic that the State's amicus brief argues for "optimal student body diversity" given that the University has done almost nothing to increase HURM numbers across the system. Yudof's imposition of holistic review at campuses with broken admissions policies has not helped. At San Diego, for example, the on-going problem is yield--year after year over 80% of African American freshman admits choose not to enroll. Over the last two and a half decades, the percentage of African Americans here has never risen above 2%.
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